Increasingly often, it is stated that the universal values underpinning Western liberal democracies are a product of a ‘Judeo-Christian’ tradition. This article explores the legitimacy of this claim from the perspective of liberal-democratic theory. It argues that state-endorsed claims about the historical roots of liberal-democratic values are problematic (1) if they are promoted as though they are above democratic scrutiny and (2) if they insinuate that citizens who belong to a particular (majority) culture remain the ‘cultural owners’ of the core values underpinning the state. More pragmatically, the paper suggests that the claim carries the risk of failing to facilitate all citizens becoming or remaining committed to nurturing fundamental rights and a shared society based on norms of democratic equality.

In countries like Belgium and The Netherlands, there seems to be overwhelming public acceptance of transplantation and organ donation. Yet, paradoxically, part of the public refuses post-mortal donation of their own organs or of those of family members. It is customary within the transplantation context to accept the refusal of organ donation by family members “in order to accommodate their feelings”. I argue that this attitude does not take seriously what is really behind the refusal of donation by (at least some) family members. My hypothesis is that even in very secularized societies, this refusal is determined by cultural-symbolic attitudes vis-à-vis the (dead) human body (and some of its parts). The blind spot for this reality, both in the practice of and discussions around organ donation, prevents understanding of what is producing the paradox mentioned.

Socio-political concepts are not singularities. They are, instead, complex and evolving contextures. An awareness of the latter and of what we need to do when we handle concepts opens up space for the resolution of political disagreements and multiplies opportunities for constructive dialogue and understanding. In this article, I argue that the concepts-as-contextures perspective can unravel conceptual connectivity and interweaving, and I substantiate this by examining the ‘contexture’ of liberty. I show that the different, and seemingly contested, definitions of liberty are the product of mixed articulations and the development of associative discursive links within a contexture.

Ever since it was published in 2015, the judgment of the The Hague court in the so-called Urgenda-case, and the subsequent decisions of the appellate and cassation courts confirming it, have been met with repeated and vivid critiques. By recognizing the necessity of the reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, and furthermore imposing a certain reduction level on the Dutch state, the judgments in the cases at hand gave rise to many questions concerning the position of the judiciary in the matter, and in Dutch society as a whole. This article attempts in the first place to situate the positions of the different actors intervening in the Urgenda-case within a legal-theoretical framework. The contribution subsequently explores the strategic possibilities that an alternative understanding of law could offer to the judges, focusing specifically on the use of legal instruments stemming from international law, brought into the reasoning of the national judge.

In de advisering over het algemeen verbindend verklaren van normen die niet door publiekrechtelijke instanties zijn opgesteld, hamert de Raad van State vooral op de kenbaarheid van de geldende normen. De lat van de adviseur lijkt hoger te liggen dan die van de rechter.

Arbeidsvoorwaardenvorming is primair een taak van werkgevers en werknemers en dit geschiedt veelal op collectief niveau. Werkgeversorganisaties en vakbonden onderhandelen over cao’s, die vervolgens door de Minister van SZW algemeen verbindend kunnen worden verklaard. Er zijn bewegingen zichtbaar waarbij individuele werkgevers in toenemende mate cao’s ontduiken of omzeilen, met het doel om tegen lagere arbeidsvoorwaarden werk aan te bieden. Het op een juiste wijze vormgeven van de werkingssfeer van cao’s en de handhaving spelen een belangrijke rol bij het tegengaan van ontduiking, en daarmee bij het waarborgen van een gelijk speelveld. Dit waarborgt op de lange termijn het nut en de waarde van de cao.

EU-lidstaten zijn op grond van de Europese marktordeningsregels bevoegd door (unies van) producentenorganisaties en brancheorganisaties vastgestelde landbouwvoorschriften uit te breiden tot niet-leden. Deze niet-leden kunnen tevens worden verplicht een financiële bijdrage te betalen. In de Nederlandse landbouw wordt dit avv-instrument pas vrij recent en dan ook nog eens uitsluitend voor onderzoek en ontwikkeling ingezet. De Europese regels bieden echter ruimte voor een veel bredere toepassing, zoals bijvoorbeeld op het gebied van dierenwelzijn, voedselveiligheid en milieubescherming. De Minister van Landbouw, Natuur en Voedselkwaliteit heeft de Raad van State inmiddels gevraagd welke ruimte zij daarvoor heeft.

Nederland staat voor grote maatschappelijke opgaven, zoals klimaatadaptatie, de energietransitie en de stikstofproblematiek. Maatschappelijke partijen laten zien dat zij samen willen werken aan die opgaven. Deze partijen zoeken naar manieren om hun initiatieven te realiseren. De overheid beschikt over een aantal instrumenten om maatschappelijke partijen hierin te ondersteunen. In een indeling van privaat naar publiek worden de volgende instrumenten besproken: zelfregulering, publiek-private afspraken, algemeenverbindendverklaring, verordeningen van de bedrijfslichamen, het wetsvoorstel ruimte voor duurzaamheidsinitiatieven en reguliere wetgeving.

When does an appeal to the heritage of Christianity intensify our ethical sensitivity? When does an appeal to the Christian heritage diminish our ethical sensitivity? How to distinguish authentic Christianity from its cultural shape? All these questions highlight an ethical theme intimately interwoven with the many references to Christianity in contemporary politics. In that perspective, even a neologism was coined, the ‘Gutmensch’. When neologisms pop up and daily appear in newspapers, alertness is indispensable and an accurate approach is required.

The proposed Act on Citizenship Education requires fundamental reflection from several angles. The article provides a perspective from remarks describing the current age and a possible list of values for a democratic state. Important is also the perspective from educational freedom, on which topic several publications from the Onderwijsraad were issued in December 2019. The proposed Act (with the different versions of its explanation by the Minister) are critically evaluated and confronted with an alternative proposal.

This is the second part of the revised translation of ‘Understanding sharia in the West’ that was published in the Journal of Law, Religion and State 2018, 6, p. 236-273. The first part of the translation appeared in Tijdschrift voor Religie, Recht en Beleid 2019, 3, p. 17-31.

Do religious motives result in greater freedom of action? This question cannot be answered with a simple yes or no. First of all, a distinction must be made between conduct that falls within the scope of the right to freedom of religion as opposed to other conduct. This distinction in turn needs some qualification. The aforementioned right can, after all, be restricted. The conduct in question could moreover fall within the purview of another fundamental right, as a result of which persons without religious motives are entitled to invoke another fundamental right. All these distinctions will be reviewed in this article. Special attention will be given to religiously motivated statements condemning homosexuality and the religiously motivated refusal to have children vaccinated.