This article is based on ethnographic research over recent years in eight Dutch police teams. It focuses on the othering process in which police officers define ‘crooks’ as the Other and chase, catch and arrest them. Catching crooks is perceived as an assignment as well as a game. Street cops construct detailed subcategories of the crook which influence their daily practices. They select crooks by recognition (the permanent suspects), by abnormalization (out of placeness) and by profiling (regardless of place). In addition to the discussion on ethnic profiling, we argue that profiling is a contextual practice. The contents of the profiles depend on the demographic characteristics of the district in which a police team operates. Interacting mediaframes of both the crook and the police reinforce the mutual caricatures and tense relationships.

Verschillende lidstaten, waaronder Nederland en Frankrijk, sluiten mannen die seksueel contact hebben (gehad) met mannen levenslang uit als bloeddonor. Het Hof van Justitie heeft zich op 29 april 2015 uitgesproken over deze permanente uitsluiting van MSM en heeft voorwaarden geformuleerd waaraan in dat geval moet zijn voldaan.
HvJ 29 april 2015, zaak C-528/13, Geoffrey Léger/Ministre des Affaires sociales, de la Santé et des Droits des femmes, en Établissement français du sang, ECLI:EU:C:2015:288

In april van dit jaar vond in Driebergen de jaarvergadering van de Vereniging voor Gezondheidsrecht plaats. Tijdens het inhoudelijke gedeelte lichtten Elies Steyger, Joris Rijken, Matthijs Vermaat, Emke Plomp en Tessa van den Ende hun bijdrage aan het preadvies ‘Op weg naar tien jaar nieuw zorgstelsel. Terug en vooruitblik’ toe. Op die manier ontstond een breed panorama van de stand van het zorgstelsel met aandacht voor het Europees recht, de positie van de zorgverzekeraars, de Wmo 2015, de winstuitkering in de zorg en de rol van de toezichthouder. Tijdens de paneldiscussie voorgezeten door Jaap Sijmons hadden de leden de gelegenheid over deze thema’s met de preadviseurs van gedachten te wisselen. Cathy van Beek sloot af met een voordracht waarin zij constateerde dat van de beoogde versterking van de rol van de patiënt onder het nieuwe stelsel (nog) weinig terecht was gekomen.

Geluid. Bedrijfswoning op bedrijventerrein. Woon- en leefklimaat. VNG-brochure.

High crime rates among second-generation immigrants are usually attributed to the ethnic group’s social disorganisation and weak socio-economic position in the host society. According to the import theory, the causes of crime can however also be sought in their native countries or regions. Due to a lack of empirical data, this has rarely been tested, with Moroccan immigrants in the Netherlands as exception. Ethnographic research among small groups of delinquent boys in Dutch cities suggests that the rural background or the character of the Rif area of its Moroccan immigrants may explain their high crime rate. In this article we examine whether this holds true when all young Moroccan migrants in the Netherlands are taken into account. Crime data from a Police Identification Service System (HKS) at the individual level are linked with personal data from the Social Statistical Database (SSB) of Statistics Netherlands, including their (parents’) regional descent. Logistic regression analysis shows that the current socio-economic position in the Netherlands is a strong predictor of criminal conduct, while the impact of geographic descent, directly or indirectly via socio-economic position in the Netherlands, is negligible. Based on this study, there is no reason to revise the common explanation of the immigrant-crime nexus.

The central question of this contribution is whether slavery was considered in the Netherlands at the time as something normal, an argument which is often heard in debates about this phenomenon today. This paper shows that during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, slavery was indeed something that happened far away from home, however, all the time voices could be heard in this country opposing at least the cruelties of the slave system, or even the basic incompatability of slavery and christianity. It even turned out to be a public problem with the hundreds of enslaved people who came over time with their owners from Suriname or the Dutch Antilles to this country, and after a while became free citizens, because in the Netherlands itself slavery was not allowed.
During the second part of the eighteenth century in literary and political Dutch circles the individual voices against (the cruelties of) slavery turned more or less into a choir. These opponents of the system were obviously influenced by and often fervent supporters of the Enlightenment and its ideals for mankind of freedom, equality and brotherhood. Eventually, however, in 1797 the revolutionary Dutch National Assembly in its first constitution voted against an article meant to abolish slave trade and slavery in the near future. It took more than two generations to finally settle this question in 1863.

In 2005 and 2006 three state-funded Islam- and imam training programs started at Amsterdam Free University, Leiden University and Hogeschool Inholland, after more than two decades of political and public debate. These confessional programs were to educate a Dutch ‘polder imam’. Recently however, the closure of two programs was announced.
This article places the establishment as well as the closure of these programs in a historical perspective. It explores two striking parallels between the motivations in favor of an imam training and the ways the Dutch state has dealt with the institutionalization of religious plurality in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The degree to which individuals have confidence in the judiciary varies substantially. In this paper, we take the heterogeneity of the population as a starting-point. Our basic idea is that signals about the judiciary acquire significance through frames, schemes of interpretation. Using focus groups we portrayed contrasting frames of citizens. These frames enable us to test the consequences of measures to promote confidence. Measures that tend to increase confidence according to one frame may decrease confidence according to another. This yields dilemmas for those looking for possibilities to promote confidence. One possibility to deal with these dilemmas is to differentiate between different audiences.

Huisarts; intieme relatie met twee patiënten; stelt zich onder behandeling; wil op termijn weer als huisarts werkzaam zijn; gedeeltelijke ontzegging: niet toegestaan om rechtstreekse contacten met vrouwelijke patiënten te hebben

Ook overeenkomsten die worden aanbesteed komen tot stand door aanbod en aanvaarding. De aanbesteder aanvaardt het aanbod van de winnende inschrijver met een afzonderlijke wilsverklaring na(ast) de mededeling van de gunningsbeslissing. Die aanvaarding moet schriftelijk plaatsvinden. Wanneer de aanbesteder na de mededeling van de gunningsbeslissing alsnog besluit af te zien van zijn voornemen om het aanbod van de winnende inschrijver te aanvaarden, moet de aldus ontstane situatie worden afgewikkeld met behulp van het privaatrechtelijk leerstuk van afgebroken onderhandelingen. Het publiekrechtelijk aanbestedingsrecht werkt vervolgens door in dat leerstuk door kleur te geven aan de wijze waarop het, in de specifieke context van een gereguleerde aanbesteding, moet worden toegepast.

The Netherlands pursues an active policy of excluding and prosecuting potential perpetrators of international crimes. In recent years hundreds of people have been excluded from taking part in the asylum procedure. Bringing cases to court, however, has proven to be very difficult in practice. Most excluded persons reside illegally in the Netherlands or elsewhere in Europe. A good overview of the grounds upon which persons have been excluded and with what types of crimes they are associated is currently lacking. The Netherlands – actually the international community as a whole – still struggles with a number of legal and ethical issues. International law, for example, does not provide an adequate solution for some convicted excluded asylum seekers after their release.

Bestaat de ‘tweede fase’ uit Plas/Valburg nog? Deze vraag houdt de gemoederen al geruime tijd bezig, met name na het arrest JPO/CBB. Uit de traditionele interpretatie van de zogenaamde driefasenleer zoals zich die in de literatuur heeft ontwikkeld naar aanleiding van het arrest Plas/Valburg volgde dat er zich tijdens de onderhandelingen een stadium kan voordoen waarin het partijen weliswaar nog vrij staat om de onderhandelingen eenzijdig af te breken, maar alleen wanneer – kort gezegd – de kosten die de onderhandelingspartner heeft gemaakt, worden vergoed. Hoewel de Hoge Raad sedert het arrest Plas/Valburg nimmer meer aan dit ‘stadium’ heeft gerefereerd, lijkt deze ‘tweede fase’ zich in de lagere jurisprudentie inmiddels een vaste plaats verworven te hebben en komt er langzaam maar zeker meer duidelijkheid over belangrijke vragen als: wat is de juridische grondslag voor een vordering die op deze ‘tweede fase’ is gebaseerd? Wanneer treedt die ‘tweede fase’ in? En welke schade kan worden gevorderd? Deze en aanverwante problematiek staat centraal in dit artikel.

This article examines the relationship between the juridical status of asylum migrants (accepted asylum migrants with a residence permit or citizenship, still in procedure, illegal residence) and crime. We argue that a weak legal status results in socio-economic deprivation that can result in criminal involvement. Using both registrations of asylum seekers as well as police data about suspects of offences, we find that rejected asylum seekers that remain in the country illegally are more involved in crime than asylum seekers still in procedure, who in turn are more often registered as a suspect than accepted asylum migrants with a residence permit or Dutch citizenship. We also find that rejected asylum migrants are more involved in ‘survival crimes’ like theft. In other words: having a weak legal status increases rates of offending, especially property crimes. When studying the relation between social inequality and crime, it is important to take the juridical status of immigrants into consideration.