Sinds 2000 doet de top van de Nederlandse politie allerlei inspanningen om de principes van intelligence-gestuurde politie (IGP) op het werkveld operationeel te maken. De centrale idee achter IGP is dat criminaliteitsanalyses en hun afgeleide producten aan de basis liggen van te nemen beslissingen. Door de beslissingen te stoelen op actuele geanalyseerde informatie hoopt de politie een betere efficiëntie en effectiviteit te bereiken. De bereidheid van de politie om informatie te delen met zowel andere afdelingen als haar ketenpartners is dus cruciaal voor de slaagkansen van IGP. In deze bijdrage onderzoeken we de vraag of de Nederlandse politieorganisatie een succesvolle implementatie van intelligence-gestuurde politie toelaat. Immers, de aard van de politietaken genereert een proces dat in de literatuur bekendstaat als sociale categorisatie. Dit proces vormt mogelijk een belemmering bij het delen van informatie en daarom bij de implementatie van intelligence-gestuurde politie.

This study revolves around the broad question: can religion prevent crime? In the first part the (possible) impact of religious faith on social behaviour (or the prevention of certain behaviours) is discussed. Respectively the following aspects are dealt with: religion as a source of activism, religion as protective factor to keep people from crime, and the impact of crime on tolerant or intolerant and forgiving or punitive attitudes. The second part deals with deliberately organized faith-based-interventions, intended to support and help inmates. The role of identity change via redemption narratives is examined, as well as the question how professionals and volunteers may stimulate rehabilitation and reintegration of (ex-)prisoners.

In dit artikel zal, na een opmaat vanuit enkele Europese beleidskaders, worden ingegaan op de organisatie en het werk van het Europees Justitieel Netwerk (EJN), en van Eurojust (EJ), het orgaan voor strafrechtelijke justitiële samenwerking van de Europese Unie.<http//:www.eurojust.europa.eu><http://www.ejn-crimjust.europa.eu>

In criminology a lot of attention is paid to risk factors in the development of criminal behaviour. It is also not uncommon to speak of criminogenic factors. In the reported research project a monitor of relevant risk factors on an aggregated level (city, city councils and boroughs) was developed. In addition the data were combined into a so-called criminogenity index for the city of Amsterdam. The article discusses the development and results of the monitor and index. It elaborates on an article which was published earlier (TvV, 2007 (6) 2), but can be read as a stand alone article.

De demarcatie van bevoegdheden tussen de verschillende pijlers van de Europese Unie is nog altijd een heet hangijzer. In de zaak Milieustrafrecht uit 2003, kreeg het Hof van Justitie van de EG veel kritiek over zich heen door te kiezen voor een vage scheidslijn tussen het toepassingsgebied van de eerste pijler en de derde pijler. In de zaak over de rechtsgrondslag van de Dataretentierichtlijn tracht het Hof duidelijkheid te verschaffen over het toepassingsbereik van de eerste en de derde pijler op het gebied van databescherming.

Based on an analysis of twenty five years of articles in Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, we describe developments in the use of research methods and tools. One of the questions is how and to what extent new techniques are adopted over the years and whether certain sources of data become more or less popular. Almost half of the articles were non-empirical, and of the remainder the majority primarily made use of quantitative research methods. In the second half of the period under study, the use of secondary data, collected and often processed by people other than the researcher in question, became much more prominent. Amongst other elements, international comparative research was scarce, as was the use of experimental designs. About one-third of all empirical articles were based on qualitative research. We give some suggestions to increase variation among the kind of articles published in the journal.

This article briefly outlines the origin and development in the past fifty years of institutions in the Netherlands and Flanders which have explicitly been labelled ‘criminological’. There are remarkable differences in developments between both regions. But in The Netherlands as well as in Flanders criminology has grown over the course of a century from a very modest phenomenon in the margin of criminal policy to a fully-fledged specialisation in socio-scientific and criminal research in universities, and a recognised qualification on the labour market.

It has been ten years since an overview on contributing authors in Tijdschrift voor Criminologie was presented. This sequel pays attention to the backgrounds of the authors, the content of their articles, the quotations and their organisational backgrounds. In addition, attention has been given to authors that have contributed most and for the longest time. The number of female contributors and entries from Flemish criminologists has increased, as well as those from authors with a specific criminological background. Content-wise there is greater focus on matters such as recidivism and life course, and topics related to violence, sex offenses and organised crime. A considerable number of authors have NSCR backgrounds.

This article first addresses the tension between scientific requirements and policy oriented criminological research. The article then proceeds to describe the historical development of policy oriented criminology in the Netherlands. This narrative can be divided into three phases: early history, the years 1980-1995 and the period from 1995. Criminology in the Netherlands has always had and retains a strong policy orientation. The growth of professional (academic) criminology is a relatively recent phenomenon. ‘Critical’ and ‘public’ criminology always have been and remain the work of individuals. The development of policy oriented criminological research in the Netherlands appears dependent on governmental involvement. The situations in Belgium and the USA give the same impression.

The primary goal of this article is to survey the various criminological study programmes in the Netherlands and Flanders and of the jobs students attain after graduating in criminology. The theoretical question posed is to what extent the enormous expansion of criminology over the last decade has contributed to the scientific development of criminology as a discipline and to better-informed crime policies. Though the answer to this question remains limited to an ‘it depends on how you look at it’ position, the author is not pessimistic. Taking into account the current grim penal climate and the fact that the criminologist is a relative newcomer on the Dutch labour market, the positions criminology students have been able to gain – with jobs within the police force, in research and policy-development as prime fields – give reason to be hopeful, if reflexivity and overview remain the primary educational goals and practical skills training is not seen as the ‘trick box’ for the ‘quick fix’ of the safety problem.

Fifty years ago Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, the Dutch Journal for Criminology, appeared for the first time. It has now developed into a peer reviewed journal with quantitative and qualitative research of high quality. Youth and life course criminology, research into organised and organisational crime, criminographical research, and research into violence are strongly represented nowadays. Changes in the journal reflect more general developments in criminology in the Netherlands and Belgium. In the last 10-15 years the discipline has become more internationally oriented and professional, and scientific backgrounds of criminologists have become more diverse.

The literature on using Social Network Analysis (SNA) in criminological research is expanding. The SNA perspective already changed the way we look at organized crime. More often organized crime is referred to as changeable social networks instead of hierarchical structured organizations like the Italian or American mafia. In this respect, SNA seems to lack behind in empirical research on organized crime. Mainly, this is due to the lack of suitable network data on organized crime. For obvious reasons, commonly used methods of gathering network data – such as questionnaires – are less suitable for research on organized crime. Suspects of organized crime have not much to gain from talking about their ‘comrades in crime’. Alternative data need to be explored. Wiretaps from criminal investigations are one such source. In this contribution the SNA perspective is used to present an overview of the possibilities and limitations of using wiretaps for SNA. It follows that wiretaps from criminal investigations should be regarded as ego-centered network data. Therefore, research questions and objective for both criminal investigations as well as scientific research should be directed to the personal networks of suspects instead of the network as a whole.

In een redactioneel artikel geeft de redactie een toelichting op het tijdschriftnummer in kwestie.

The social network approach is gaining influence among criminologists studying organized crime and terrorism. The theoretical concept, however, still needs further elaboration. To this end, concepts developed within the field of economic sociology could provide a substantial contribution. Economic sociologists have, among other things, focused on the role of social networks with regard to the completion of economic transactions. They regard mutual trust built through personal relations as an essential part of economic transactions, particularly if these imply certain risks for the parties involved. In other words, before transactions materialize, the parties must first be able to establish trustworthy personal relations. Based on these ideas, Spapens introduced in 2006 the theoretical concept of the criminal macro network, being a social network consisting of individuals able and willing to engage in illegal activities. The capital of each member of the criminal network consists, on the one hand, of his links, defined as information relations, within the network. On the other hand, a person’s position is determined by personal knowledge and skills. It is assumed that executing an actual illegal activity – e.g. drug production, trafficking human beings, bank robbery – requires cooperation between a subset of members of the criminal network, the criminal group.An extensive study of xtc production in the south of the Netherlands between 1996 and 2004 revealed the existence of a ‘xtc network’ consisting of individuals interconnected by social relations. The macro network proved to be relatively stable over time. The composition of the criminal groups, however, changed regularly. This was not only explained by shifting business opportunities, but also by the efforts of the police and the Public Prosecution Service leading to convictions and the dismantling of criminal groups. Better knowledge of the functioning of the criminal macro network can provide valuable contributions to criminological understanding of organized crime. These insights are of course also of great practical importance for law enforcement agencies.