This article describes and judges the complex and often contradictory dynamic by which boundaries are constructed and transgressed. This dynamic reveals much about power, meaning, and the political economy of crime and control. The author describes the project undertaken by Critical Mass riders and precarity activists. These projects explore the possibilities of drift as collective experience and collective transgression. The pervasiveness of drift in contemporary society, paired with the subversive cultures of drift emerging around new social movements and alternative spatial practices, point toward a new kind of global collectivity.

In het wetsvoorstel Aanvulling instrumenten bekostiging WMG ontwikkelt de wetgever nieuw instrumentarium waarmee de Minister van VWS de kosten van medisch specialisten op landelijk niveau kan budgetteren en waarmee de NZa per ziekenhuis een honorariumbudget voor medisch specialisten vrij beroepsbeoefenaren kan vaststellen. Medisch specialisten vrij beroepsbeoefenaren kunnen hun honorarium alleen nog aan het ziekenhuis declareren tenzij zij met de raad van bestuur overeenstemming bereiken over de verdeling van het honorariumbudget. In dat geval kunnen zij hun honorarium via het ziekenhuis aan de zorgverzekeraar/patiënt blijven declareren. Dit is van belang voor de fiscale ondernemersstatus. De verdeling van het honorariumbudget binnen het ziekenhuis kan gefrustreerd of bemoeilijkt worden indien de gereguleerde honorariumtarieven onevenwichtigheden bevatten. Dit tijdelijke beheersingsmodel wordt na enkele jaren vervangen door een definitief model waarin sprake zal zijn van een geïntegreerd macrobudget en integrale zorgproducten.

In een column geeft een redacteur of auteur zijn of haar visie op een bepaald onderwerp.

The main question of this article is why the existing diverse populist movements have at least one feature in common: Crime, security and harsher punishments are high on their political agenda. The author points out that the rise of criminality in the last 20 years is a real basis for the growing anxiety among the population about insecurity. This anxiety is reinforced by the blown up media attention for crime issues. The dominance of the security issue is further explained and enhanced by cultural factors like individualisation, migration and the rise of a vitalist culture characterised by a geografical and normative boundlessness. In this context norm violations are always lurking and contributing to an insecure, complex and chaotic society. (In)security has become the common denominator to which all grievances can be reduced. The creation of new structures giving reassurance could provide a democratic alternative for the unevitable authoritarian tendency in state policy caused by the rise of populism. This type of social order should be understood in terms of arrangements of institutions and of tuning stakeholders to one another. Taking this longing for security among the population seriously means also to stop addressing civilians as consumers and start urging them to act like co-responsibles.

The fight against organized cannabis cultivation is an important topic within Dutch law enforcement. No longer the sole responsibility of the police, the current trend is for the police to work alongside local government, companies providing energy, housing associations and the Inland Revenue. Together they unite their strengths to deal more effectively and resolutely with the problem. Although different studies have been conducted concerning the (effectiveness of) the fight against cannabis cultivation, there is not much known regarding the way actors experience the fight from ‘within’, that is: the interactions, perceptions and transformations of agreements and premises which are enacted on the ‘molecular level’ of the cooperation. In two large Dutch cities, we have researched, on the basis of semi-structured interviews and observation, how parties implement their role within the integral fight against cannabis cultivation. The results reveal that the execution is more complex and uncontrollable than previously considered. The cooperation turns out not to be deductive, structured and ‘organized’; but rather flexible, dynamic and ‘self organizing’ in character.

Restorative justice focuses on doing justice after the occurrence of an offence. It gives priority to deliberative encounters as the best way of achieving restoration. The ambition of the maximalist option of restorative justice is to modify the punitive apriorism in criminal justice into a restorative apriorism. One of the challenges is to unravel the socio-ethical and political intuitions that orient the option for restorative justice. Restorative justice is first of all an option based on socio-ethical considerations: aiming at restoration instead of accepting the punitive premise, and giving full space for deliberation processes among stakeholders instead of imposing a top down decision procedure. These social ethical grounds of restorative justice have a potential contribution to improving the quality of our democracies.

Hans Boutellier is giving a panoramic overview of important changes in society. As worked out in his recent book De improvisatiemaatschappij (The improvisation society) he describes that society has evaluated into a network society in which social ordering is primarily a matter of self-organizing mechanisms. The aim for self-ordering would be a possibility for a further growth of restorative practices, but at the same time we are dealing with a penal-populist culture. In that culture citizenship, dialogue and self-ordering are suspect and – paradoxically – safety is expected to be delivered only by the state.

Tijdens de najaarsvergadering 2010 van de VGR spraken prof. dr. Kim Putters en mr. Mieke de Die over het onderwerp ‘Governance en kwaliteit van zorg’. Bij governance in de zorg gaat het om bestuur, verantwoording en toezicht. De zorgbestuurder is verantwoordelijk voor kwaliteit en veiligheid van zorg. Door incidenten in de zorg is de nadruk steeds meer op toezicht en controle komen te liggen. Beide sprekers vinden dat de oplossing veel meer moet worden gezocht in communicatie. Een zorgbestuurder zou meer moeten uitkomen voor de waarden en identiteit van de zorgorganisatie en hierover ook meer moeten communiceren naar de buitenwereld.

The Belgian Customs Administration has taken the lead on the federal level to elaborate an anti-corruption policy. Up till now the initiatives of the administration D&A consisted of: anti-corruption training for the complete staff, a distribution of the relevant regulation concerning corruption and the setting up of an internal complaints desk. These measures suggest that mainly the individual employee has to take responsibility to prevent corruption. Based on three related research stages we conclude that the social-economic context and the organisational characteristics also contribute to the explanation of corruption which implies to go beyond the micro-level when developing an anti-corruption policy. The structure of our analysis is based on the five key variables of Gobert and Punch: the social, economic and cultural characteristics, the nature and structure of the organisation, rationality, neutralisation techniques and moral disengagement and crime facilitative characteristics. This contribution is the first section of a research project on the responsibilities of the public sector and the private companies for public corruption.

This paper draws principally on a literature review that explored the question of whether arts projects in prisons can support desistance from crime. The review, which aimed to connect the literatures on arts projects in prisons, on learning in prisons and on desistance from crime, was undertaken to support the evaluation of a major arts initiative in Scottish Prisons - Inspiring Change - which took place during 2010. A brief summary of the findings of the evaluation is also provided. The paper concludes that while it is unreasonable and unrealistic to expect arts projects to ‘produce’ desistance, there is evidence that they can play a vital role in enabling prisoners to imagine and to embark on the desistance process.

Public safety has always been a core task for local, municipal authorities. However, until rather recently only the police has been actively involved in addressing local problems of public safety and maintaining order instead. Local public safety policy – as a responsibility for local authorities together with many other partners – is a relatively new phenomenon.This article compares the main developments and trends in local public safety policy in the Netherlands and Belgium. Special attention is paid to the role and position of the local, municipal authorities. What strikes most, are the strong similarities between the two countries. National governments played an important and catalyzing role in the development of public safety policy in the Netherlands as well as in Belgium. After many years and not without a lot of trouble, the monopoly of the police on designing and implementing policy for addressing public safety and order came to an end in both countries. Which, amongst other effects, presented the local authorities with new challenges.

The author discusses the potential of developmental mediation. In developmental mediation the focus of the mediator is on retaining, adding and creating.

Governmental authorities have to deal with religion on a daily basis: via individual citizens or religious organisations, in the framework of subsidy applications or measures against the radicalisation of believers. More than a year after publication of ‘Religion and the public domain, guidelines for municipalities’, a joint production of the Association of the Netherlands Municipalities and the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom relations, we discuss the room for cooperation between the government and religious organisations within the limits of the principle of separation between church and state. Both the legal framework and practical examples from different municipalities will be brought up. Three rules (of play) are exemplified in particular, namely that contacts between government and religious organisations or parties on an ideological basis do not lead to a substantive involvement with the faith itself, or with internal church matters, that the contacts serve to realise non-faith related public goals and that the government is held tot treat religious organisations or parties on an ideological basis equally. Having regard to those rules (of play) cooperation is very well possible.

In this essay the author looks back at ten years of rule of law foreign assistance in Afghanistan. She first surveys the elements that make Afghanistan particularly challenging as a development. This is followed by a brief outline of foreign donor-assisted efforts at rule of law reform in the last decade. The features of law and legal systems in Afghanistan that are salient for would-be foreign reformers are analyzed. The concept of judicial independence serves as example of well-intentioned rule of law interventions that have not fared well in this complex environment. The author argues that better prepared international advisors with a better grasp of legal history and comparative law may have produced stronger outcomes. Ultimately, however, a pre-post-conflict setting constrains conventional rule of law programs in important ways and calls for more realism about what can be achieved, within what time frame and with what degree of sustainability.