The overexploitation of nature has led to anthropogenic defaunation, which results in complex socioeconomic, political and ecological consequences. Influenced by the economic growth of modernization and the interconnectedness of globalization, zoonotic diseases emerge as incalculable side effects of defaunation. By rejecting anthropocentric worldviews, this article critically examines anthropogenic defaunation and the causes and consequences of the coronavirus pandemic from a green criminological perspective.

Criminology, as an inherently interdisciplinary field, has built on anthropology (and other social sciences) in its development. This contribution addresses the question which insights in criminology have most been inspired by anthropology. First, it looks into the ‘criminal anthropology’ of Lombroso; then it embarks on an appreciation of the ethnographic research design within criminology (as first adopted by the Chicago School); and, finally, it assesses the link between anthropology, and cultural and global criminology. I conclude that anthropology has been valuable to our discipline on four levels: methodologically (in the importance of the ethnographic research design), theoretically (in its role in the development of symbolic interactionism and structuralism, for example), geographically (in the global scope of anthropological research), and analytically, in its experience with ‘doing ethnography’ in economically, politically and culturally embedded ways.

Claims have been made that the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) is more lenient in accepting age discriminating measures affecting older people than in those affecting younger people. This claim is scrutinised in this article, first, by making a quantitative analysis of the outcomes of the CJEU’s case law on age discrimination cases, followed by a qualitative analysis of the line of reasoning of the CJEU in these cases and concluding with an evaluation of the Court’s reasoning against three theoretical approaches that set the context for the assessment of the justifications of age discrimination: complete life view, fair innings argument and typical anti-discrimination approach. The analysis shows that the CJEU relies more on the complete life view approach to assess measures discriminating old people and the fair innings argument approach to assess measures discriminating young people. This results in old people often having to accept disadvantageous measures and young workers often being treated more favourably.

This article argues in favour of lowering the voting age to 16. First, it outlines a respect-based account of democracy where the right to vote is grounded in a respect for citizens’ autonomous capacities. It then outlines a normative account of autonomy, modelled on Rawls’s two moral powers, saying what criteria must be met for an individual to possess a (pro tanto) moral right to vote. Second, it engages with empirical psychology to show that by the age of 16 (if not earlier) individuals have developed all of the cognitive components of autonomy. Therefore, since 16- and 17-year-olds (and quite probably those a little younger) possess the natural features required for autonomy, then, to the extent that respect for autonomy requires granting political rights including the right to vote – and barring some special circumstances that apply only to them – 16- and 17-year-olds should be granted the right to vote.

This contribution advocates a fresh look at counteracting radicalization. Two frameworks are used for this. In the first place, that is the restorative justice that we have coined here as ‘making amends’. We need this normative framework because it provides clues for the prevention of ‘transgressing’ forms of radicalization, which can lead to extremism and terrorism. Secondly, we use an Activism of Hope framework, which states that we may and must resist social deprivation and injustice. After all, deprivation and injustice are the breeding ground for radicalization.

This contribution contains several concrete examples of ‘Corona crime’ thereby showing how the current crisis is creating new opportunities for committing crimes. The authors revert to an analysis framework that was previously used to interpret new forms of crime during the banking crisis. It consists of four scenarios that are briefly described. The future will have to show what effects the corona pandemic has had on fraud and other financial and economic crime.

Deze bijdrage geeft een actueel overzicht van het strafrecht op het gebied van gewasbeschermingsmiddelen. Er wordt een globaal overzicht gegeven van het EU-stelsel van toelating en het belang daarvan. Daarna wordt de strafrechtelijke handhaving in Nederland meer gedetailleerd beschreven. Dit is een jong strafrechtgebied dat aan Europese eisen moet voldoen en dat door de wetgever met het bestuursrecht in een duaal sanctiestelsel is geplaatst. Het strafrecht blijkt hier nog zoekende en twee fundamentele vragen staan open.

The entry into force of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) pushed state obligations to counter prejudice and stereotypes concerning people with disabilities to the forefront of international human rights law. The CRPD is underpinned by a model of inclusive equality, which views disability as a social construct that results from the interaction between persons with impairments and barriers, including attitudinal barriers, that hinder their participation in society. The recognition dimension of inclusive equality, together with the CRPD’s provisions on awareness raising, mandates that states parties target prejudice and stereotypes about the capabilities and contributions of persons with disabilities to society. Certain human rights treaty bodies, including the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and, to a much lesser extent, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, require states to eradicate harmful stereotypes and prejudice about people with disabilities in various forms of interpersonal relationships. This trend is also reflected, to a certain extent, in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. This article assesses the extent to which the aforementioned human rights bodies have elaborated positive obligations requiring states to endeavour to change ‘hearts and minds’ about the inherent capabilities and contributions of people with disabilities. It analyses whether these bodies have struck the right balance in elaborating positive obligations to eliminate prejudice and stereotypes in interpersonal relationships. Furthermore, it highlights the convergences or divergences that are evident in the bodies’ approaches to those obligations.

Reports by citizens are a great source of information for the police. Local residents often know well what is going on in their neighborhood and which situations are suspicious. In this study, an online survey was conducted to investigate what drives citizens to report to the police. A wide range of individual, social and institutional drivers were explored. The results show that the more often people have reported anything to the police in the past, the higher their risk perception, self-efficacy, citizen participation and police legitimacy. Furthermore, participants with a higher degree of self-efficacy, response efficacy, trust in the police and police legitimacy appeared to be more willing to report in the future. An open question regarding what motivates people the most to report show that response efficacy (the idea to what extent reporting has an effect on increasing safety and reducing crime) and altruistic values (justice, to help society and punish the perpetrators) were mentioned most frequently.

‘Illiberal’ is an adjective that is commonly used by scholars. For example, they might speak of ‘illiberal cultures’, ‘illiberal groups’, ‘illiberal states’, ‘illiberal democracies’, ‘illiberal beliefs’, and ‘illiberal practices’. Yet despite its widespread usage, no in-depth discussions exist of exactly what it means for someone or something to be illiberal, or might mean. This article fills this lacuna by providing a conceptual analysis of the term ‘illiberal practices’, which I argue is basic in that other bearers of the property of being illiberal can be understood by reference to it. Specifically, I identify five ways in which a practice can be illiberal based on the different ways in which this term is employed within both scholarly and political discourses. The main value of this disaggregation lies in the fact that it helps to prevent confusions that arise when people use the adjective ‘illiberal’ in different ways, as is not uncommon.

Doel van deze bijdrage is om bloot te leggen hoe Jos Dute heeft bijgedragen aan het preventiediscours. Na een bespreking van Dutes inaugurale rede volgt een uitgebreide analyse van infectieziektenregulering in het licht van de recente uitbraak van COVID-19. Dit gevolgd door een kortere analyse van de regulering van alcohol.

De 75-jarige herdenking van de historische verrichtingen van het Neurenberg Tribunaal biedt een mooie gelegenheid om de balans op te maken van de staat van het internationale strafrecht. In het licht van de grillige veranderingen in de opvattingen over de normatieve en politieke levensvatbaarheid van internationaal strafrecht wordt in dit essay ingegaan op bijdrage van het Neurenberg Tribunaal aan de ontwikkeling van het internationale strafrecht.

In de naoorlogse jaren werd de basis gelegd voor het huidige stelsel van Europese bescherming van mensenrechten. Deze bijdrage schetst een beeld van de omstandigheden waaronder het Europees Verdrag voor de Rechten van de Mens tot stand kwam, en de overwegingen die daarbij een rol speelden. Dat roept dan ook de vraag op in hoeverre het EVRM voldoet aan zijn oorspronkelijke doelstellingen.

Na de bevrijding ontstond al snel het beeld dat ‘de’ Nederlanders zich tijdens de oorlog heldhaftig hadden verzet tegen de Jodenvervolging en het nationaalsocialistische onrecht. De naoorlogse berichten over de moord op meer dan 102.000 Nederlandse Joden brachten dit zelfbeeld nauwelijks aan het wankelen. Dat werd anders, toen in de jaren zestig van de vorige eeuw bleek dat de nazi’s gedurende de Tweede Wereldoorlog uit geen enkel land in West-Europa zo veel Joden hadden gedeporteerd en omgebracht als uit Nederland. Deze bijdrage staat stil bij het verzet van Nederlandse juristen tegen onrechtvaardig recht, in het bijzonder tegen de antisemitische maatregelen.

Increasingly often, it is stated that the universal values underpinning Western liberal democracies are a product of a ‘Judeo-Christian’ tradition. This article explores the legitimacy of this claim from the perspective of liberal-democratic theory. It argues that state-endorsed claims about the historical roots of liberal-democratic values are problematic (1) if they are promoted as though they are above democratic scrutiny and (2) if they insinuate that citizens who belong to a particular (majority) culture remain the ‘cultural owners’ of the core values underpinning the state. More pragmatically, the paper suggests that the claim carries the risk of failing to facilitate all citizens becoming or remaining committed to nurturing fundamental rights and a shared society based on norms of democratic equality.