De twee meest recent aangenomen ILO-instrumenten – Conventie 190 en Aanbeveling 206 – reguleren de aanpak van geweld en intimidatie in de context van werk. Het fundament van deze instrumenten is een ‘inclusive, integrated and gender-reponsive approach’ die middels de routes van preventie en bescherming, handhaving en genoegdoening en advies en scholing dient te worden geïmplementeerd. Conventie 190 hanteert een brede definitie van ‘geweld en intimidatie’ en is van toepassing op formele werknemers, maar ook op andere groepen ‘werkenden’. Maar wat is de inhoud en het belang van deze geïntegreerde aanpak, bezien in nationaal en internationaal perspectief? Hoe verhoudt de bescherming tegen geweld en intimidatie onder gelijkebehandelingswetgeving en arbeidsomstandighedenrecht zich tot elkaar en voldoet het Nederlands juridisch raamwerk aan de voorgestelde ‘integrated approach’? Alhoewel de Conventie als normatieve basis gelijke behandeling en non-discriminatie neemt, geeft zij uitdrukkelijk de opdracht aan ratificerende lidstaten om een geïntegreerde aanpak toe te passen, waarbij geweld en intimidatie niet slechts onder gelijkebehandelingswetgeving, maar tevens onder arbeidsomstandighedenrecht en strafrecht worden ondergebracht om zo lacunes in de juridische bescherming voor slachtoffers te voorkomen. Alhoewel de juridische infrastructuur voor deze ‘integrated approach’ in Nederland aanwezig lijkt, is er nog een aantal aandachtspunten aangaande een effectieve implementatie hiervan, met name in relatie tot criteria voor zorgvuldige klachtbehandeling, risicoanalyse en aanpak en de rol van de vertrouwenspersoon.

Dit artikel beschrijft een casus: de ontwikkeling van een Monitor Integrale Veiligheid voor het sturen op beleidsdoelen op strategisch-tactisch niveau. Dataverwerking, duiding en dialoog gebeurden cyclisch. Werkproces en geleerde lessen zijn beschreven vanuit een theorie over samen sturen op beleidsdoelen. Vanuit vier beleidsdoelen is een gelaagde set indicatoren voor integrale veiligheid ontwikkeld, ingedeeld naar stappen in de veiligheidsketen. Data uit registraties van veiligheidspartners en informatie over de beleving van veiligheid door inwoners zijn benut. De monitor heeft bijgedragen aan een gezamenlijke probleemdefinitie door alle partners, geeft onderlinge verbinding op beleidsdoelen en wordt benut bij het opstellen van gemeentelijke jaarplannen veiligheid.

In the 1980s there was a lot of discussion about whether monitoring special conditions should be a probation task, and whether this can be combined with offering help and assistance. The authors show that this discussion has been settled by introducing a specific knowledge base for probation work. They outline a number of important developments in recent decades: the focus on risk and the enforced framework, and the great influence of new technology. Nevertheless, an important basis for probation remains unchanged: the quality of the contact between probation officer and client.

Ter bestrijding van de coronacrisis is een belangrijke rol weggelegd voor de handhaving van artikel 443 Sr. Indien een strafbeschikking wordt uitgevaardigd wegens overtreding van artikel 443 Sr, betrekking hebbend op coronamaatregelen, leidt dit niet meer tot een aantekening in de justitiële documentatie. Gezien de verbondenheid van artikel 443 Sr met de handhaving van de openbare orde, is de vraag opgeworpen in hoeverre het in de rede ligt om deze strafbepaling over te hevelen naar het bestuursrecht.

The aim of the present research was to gain insight into the topic of ‘task-related rule-breaking behavior’ (TRB) among Dutch police officers. TRB is a more refined alternative for the concept of noble cause corruption and has been defined as: police officers breaking rules or formal agreements for the purpose of acting in a manner that contributes to the lawful police task. Qualitative research has been conducted within one of the ten regional police forces in the Netherlands. Results show that TRB appears to be a relatively common phenomenon during policework. Behaviors are categorized in sixteen categories and five overarching outlines. In addition, attention is given to several important factors that could be related to TRB being distinguishable between police officers’ individual responsibility and organizational factors. To handle TRB, it is recommended to pay attention to the police officers’ approach of judging and rationalizing their own behavior, their level of knowledge, and social skills. Furthermore, organizational structure (i.e., spam of control) and police leadership may, among other factors, play an important role in encouraging TRB. Especially the way supervisors deal with police officers’ professional autonomy needs specific attention in order to reduce TRB. Autonomy needs guidance in the form of clear orders followed by feedback and coaching. Also, an active form of ethical leadership is needed. An action framework is presented that could be helpful to supervisors to judge and thereby reduce forms of TRB.

Little is known about (former) partners of 1%motorcycle club members. Social professionals working with victims of domestic violence in shelters have regular encounters with these mostly female (ex-)partners. In this exploratory contribution we wonder what is known about domestic violence amongst people with (ex-)partners of 1%motorcycle club members and the consequences of the involvement of a motorcycle club for tackling this violence. Based on thirteen semi-structured interviews with social professionals working in a shelter, external professionals and (ex-)partners, the link between domestic violence and membership of a motorcycle club could not be verified. What this research does show is that safety is the number one priority in working with these (ex-)partners. Furthermore, it shows how complex it is to assess the seriousness of potential threat coming from these 1%motorcyle clubs. Further research on domestic violence in environments associated with organised crime and the cooperation between the judiciary system and social professionals is needed to improve safety and wellbeing for this specific group.

Het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens (EHRM of Hof) heeft in de periode van september 2019 tot en met augustus 2020 weer diverse uitspraken gedaan over gezondheidsrechtelijke onderwerpen. Veel uitspraken borduren voort op of geven een nadere uitleg aan zaken waarover het Hof zich eerder heeft gebogen. Tegelijkertijd komt uit de uitspraken van afgelopen jaar het beeld naar voren dat het Hof in toenemende mate belang hecht aan de beschermingsplicht van de overheid, in het bijzonder bij gedetineerden, psychiatrische en verstandelijk beperkte patiënten en personen die anderszins kwetsbaar zijn.

To control the COVID-19 outbreak Dutch government opted for a so-called intelligent lockdown. The virus as well as the lockdown caused significant personal and societal damage. It also created, however, a unique natural experiment. How did the forced stay in affect the crime levels? This article presents empirical data on crime trends during the lockdown. Initially, the general crime level decreased sharply. However, the general crime level quickly returned to pre-lockdown levels. Different types of crime displayed divergent trends, e.g. property crimes decreased sharply whereas online crime rates increased considerably. These trends fit rather well with an opportunity theoretical approach regarding crime.

Most countries in the world chose a more or less stringent form of lockdown policy in order to protect citizens from contagion. This essay offers a critical perspective by asking for the Netherlands whether flattening the curve does not cost more healthy life years (qaly’s) than it saves. A cost-benefit analysis is performed discussing four issues. First: how many qaly’s are actually saved by the lockdown measures? Second: what are the opportunity costs of the lockdown? This means investigating how many qaly’s could have been generated if the economic cost of the lockdown had been spent directly into health care. Third: investigating how many qaly’s are lost because of postponing regular care. And fourth: discussing how many qaly’s are at stake because of excess unemployment. While acknowledging uncertainties the conclusion seems unavoidable: lockdown has and will cost more qaly’s than it generates.

Wanneer heeft een strafzitting betekenis? Hoe kunnen we de kostbare tijd op zo’n manier benutten dat er niet alleen een grens wordt getrokken bij gedrag dat in strijd is met de regels, maar dat de schade hersteld wordt, er moreel inzicht ontstaat en de breuk in de samenleving hersteld wordt? Het vraagt om een nieuw perspectief op de zitting – de zitting als modern ritueel.

Political parties in the Netherlands have been calling for a ban on Hizb ut-Tahrir for years. But what do we actually know about this movement, its supporters and how they relate to Dutch society? This article is one of the first attempts to paint a more complete picture. It shows that the movement and its supporters adhere strictly to the course of the (re) establishment of the caliphate that was mapped out by founder Taqiuddin al-Nabhani in the 1950s. However, the assumption that the movement would advocate or encourage the use of violence requires nuance. These insights are not ‘static’ or ‘comprehensive’ and should be seen as a contribution to the discussion of the nature of the movement. The question of how the course – ideas and activities – of Hizb ut-Tahrir relates to democratic society will be addressed in a subsequent article.

While the legal path to ending marital captivity has been cleared, socio-cultural obstacles continue to prevent victims from going to court. This article focuses on the religious and socio-cultural elements within the Dutch-Pakistani community that promote the continued existence of marital captivity, thereby zooming in on the importance of the nikah, the prevalence of (transnational) arranged marriages, and the concept of family honor.

The aim of this study was to investigate the scale and network structure of prostitution in the northern provinces of the Netherlands. This study tries to answer three research questions – using a social network analysis – about (1) the size of the prostitution network, (2) the formation of subgroups, and (3) key positions within the networks. The findings show that approximately two thirds of the researched prostitution networks is still unregistered, while there are indications that the outcome of the estimate is in line with the actual situation. Furthermore, results show that prostitutes have a tendency to form subgroups on the basis of the same nationality, which indicates that homophily plays a role in the formation of subgroups. The identification of the actors who occupy key positions in the network were based on the key player problem (KPP). A striking finding was that organizers of prostitution (such as pimps) did not have a central position in the networks. These findings provide insight into the way in which prostitution is registered, and provide points of departure for interventions to disrupt the network or, on the contrary, to strengthen it.

Criminology has traditionally focused on urban areas where crime visibly concentrates. However, since the 1990s, attention for ‘rural criminology’ has steadily increased. First, rural areas are confronted with partly different and less visible crime problems, such as environmental crimes. Second, public actors such as enforcement and other agencies are less present and ‘available’ in rural areas, and people on average trust the government less to provide support when necessary. This chronicle presents an overview of international and Dutch research in the context of rural criminology. The paper addresses cultural differences between urban and rural areas, high-volume crimes, gender-related violence, alcohol and drug abuse, environmental crime, and enforcement in rural areas.