This contribution discusses the supplementary value of media analyses to understanding the relationship between media and crime. Analyses of media framing and media hypes are discussed on the basis of two cases: the case of New Years Eve in Cologne in 2015 and the “bus incident” of Moroccan Dutch youngsters in Gouda in 2008. The two cases presented here illustrate the significance of media analysis in criminology and its relevance in a media society. Analyses of the media representation and the societal reactions show the influence of media on the image building about crime. Since media are a predominant force of modern society and mediatization is a characteristic of the present tense, media representation has a great impact on the perceptions of crime and punishment, and our reality.

In de Kroniek rechtspraak strafrecht staan de belangrijkste ontwikkelingen, in het bijzonder de relevante rechtspraak, vanaf 1 december 2015 tot en met 31 augustus 2017 centraal. Ten eerste wordt ingegaan op strafbare feiten in (en door) het ziekenhuis. Vervolgens komt het medisch beroepsgeheim en vorderen van gegevens aan bod. Voorts wordt ingegaan op fraude in de zorg, artikel 96 Wet BIG en euthanasie en hulp bij zelfdoding, levensbeëindiging van ernstig gehandicapte pasgeborenen en late zwangerschapsonderbreking. Ten slotte worden onder meer zaken besproken die betrekking hebben op een verdachte die als ‘niet-BIG-geregistreerde’ handelingen op het gebied van de individuele gezondheidszorg heeft verricht, een therapeut die tijdens de uitoefening van zijn beroep ontucht heeft gepleegd met een van zijn patiënten en een forensisch arts die schuldig is bevonden aan het plegen van meineed.

Child homicide is a phenomenon that not infrequently leads to shock and societal unrest. However, the precise nature and scope of child homicide in the Netherlands remains unknown. This article attempts to fill the gap in our current knowledge by reporting descriptive research on child homicide in the Netherlands in the period 2009-2014. Further, this article aims to assess if media attention regarding child homicide brings about a so-called copycat-effect. By means of descriptive statistics, case, victim and perpetrator characteristics of 74 cases of filicide are assessed.

Honour-related emotions such as shame, guilt, anger, distrust and pride play a critical role in regulating the response to a traumatic event and the severity of posttraumatic stress symptoms. Crimes with the intent to cause harm to a person include, to a greater or lesser extent, a component to overpower and humiliate. Such traumatic experiences can, especially in more collectivist cultures, lead to a complex mix of posttraumatic guilt and shame. In order to restore honour, posttraumatic shame or guilt can lead to violence. Together with posttraumatic stress symptoms such as flashbacks and hyperarousal it may even lead to excessive violence.

Some serious events end lethally while others do not. This study examined to what extent a selected number of event characteristics and actors’ behaviour contributed to the escalation of an event into a lethal outcome. We examined Dutch court files of 267 serious events in which offenders were convicted for either lethal violence (homicide, N=126) or non-lethal violence (attempted homicide, N=141). Pronounced differences were found between lethal versus non-lethal events with respect to event characteristics and to actors’ behaviour during the incident in particular. In particular, the likelihood of a lethal outcome increased in events involving alcohol use by victims, firearm use by offenders, victim precipitation and the absence of third parties.

Having a job is an all day reality, having a job in a prison or a forensic psychiatric hospital is not. Dealing on a daily basis with disturbed people who have committed a severe crime requires a highly professional attitude. For the professional working in this field, individual thoughts and feelings (of disgust of the criminal and his crime for example, so common amongst the public) are not an option, while at the same time the given means for doing the work are highly dependent on public opinion as expressed by the media and political spokesmen. Ed Brand, forensic psychologist for more than thirty years, describes the change in risk management which took place in those years on the social and political level in the treatment of psychiatric disturbed offenders. In his account he also refers to the changes in his personal life before he stopped his work in state prisons and forensic psychiatric hospitals.

In the Netherlands, a person sentenced to life imprisonment (lifer) cannot be pardoned or paroled. This has led to debate. I have investigated if this impossibility also exists in other countries (Canada, England, Germany, Belgium). This article shows that in all the other countries studied, lifers can be pardoned after a certain period of time. A law comparative interpretation of article 3 ECHR would therefore lead to the conclusion that the current Dutch policy is contradictory to this article. The results in this article could contribute to the debate that has arisen in the Netherlands.

An analysis of about 2,200 cases of homicides in the Netherlands committed between 1992 and 2006 shows that lethal violence typically results from conflict in symmetric relations in which social rank is ambiguous. The settings of homicides are mostly well-integrated, small communities, including families, rural villages in tribal and agrarian societies, modern urban neighbourhoods, gettos, criminal organisations, and ethnic enclaves. The mechanism that drives antagonism between people in such places is their attachment, close-knit structure, and common features. Earlier, Simmel developed this insight in lethal conflict when saying ‘the more we have in common with another as whole persons, the more easily will our totality be involved in every single relationship to that person, hence the disproportionate violence to which normally well-controlled people can be moved within their relations to those closest to them.’ Contemporary sociologists, ethnographers, and historians amply corroborated this view of lethal violence. In his comparative work Gould shows a compelling connection between ambiguity of social rank and lethal conflict. Knauft investigated the high homicide rates in a New Guinea community and found that lethal violence resulting from sorcery attributions is not the anti-thesis of the ideal of ‘good company’ but its ultimate culmination.

Homicides that take place in the family generally lead to shock and incomprehension in society at large. Even though in recent years the number of homicides in the Netherlands has decreased, domestic homicides still claim approximately sixty victims per year. This article aims to describe the nature and incidence of domestic homicide in the Netherlands by making use of both epidemiological data as well as detailed analyses of case reports of domestic homicides. In doing so, several types of domestic homicides are distinguished: intimate partner homicide, child homicide, parent and sibling homicide, multiple family homicide and finally, domestic homicide followed by suicide. The findings are discussed and put into perspective.

Filicide, the murder of a child by a parent, is a dramatic event. The gravity increases when the perpetrator resorts to committing or attempting suicide. It is assessed to what extent filicide-(para)suicides can primarily be understood as homicidal or suicidal behaviour, or as a separate category of lethal violence. Parents committing filicide-parasuicide differ from filicidal parents and other suicidal parents in sociodemographic, individual and offence-related characteristics. Filicide-(para)suicide seem to constitute a category of lethal violence, different from both filicides and parasuicides.