Confessional secrecy is inviolable under Catholic canon law, and violations of it are severely sanctioned. Some people see this secret as an obstacle to the legal process in society and advocate a limitation in its use. This article argues that this form of confidentiality also can be defended in civil law because of the protection of spiritual care. Confessional secrecy is analyzed here and compared with forms of official secrecy that are recognized in society. Finally, there is a plea for a clear legal framework for the application of this confessional secret by Catholic priests.

In het verband van de aanpak van ondermijnende misdaad zal de sluitingsbevoegdheid, die is neergelegd in artikel 174a, eerste lid, Gemeentewet, worden uitgebreid met twee nieuwe sluitingsgronden. Op deze wijze kunnen woningen ook worden gesloten indien de openbare orde door ernstig geweld of geweld wordt verstoord. Hoe moet deze uitbreiding worden aangemerkt? Is het vooral een instrument voor de burgemeester als openbare-ordehandhaver of als sheriff? In dit redactioneel wordt betoogd om een wettelijke taak voor de burgemeester in de bestuurlijke aanpak van misdaad te ontwikkelen.

In deze bijdrage worden enkele aantekeningen vanuit ipr-perspectief geformuleerd omtrent ‘vrijheid’ én vrijheidsbeperking. Gefocust wordt op diverse actuele thema’s. Daarbij worden zowel directe als indirecte verschijningsvormen van vrijheid blootgelegd. Een verkenning van de verhouding van ‘vrijheid’ tot ‘bescherming van kwetsbare partijen’ blijkt te nopen tot waakzaamheid bij regulering.

In september 2019 is het rapport ‘De markt de baas’ van het Centrum voor Criminaliteitspreventie en Veiligheid verschenen. Het behelst een verkenning naar knelpunten in de uitvoeringspraktijk van toezicht en handhaving met betrekking tot milieucriminaliteit en is tot stand gekomen in opdracht van het Ministerie van Justitie en Veiligheid en het Ministerie van Infrastructuur en Waterstaat op verzoek van het Bestuurlijk Omgevingsberaad. Het is een niet al te lang en lezenswaardig rapport, waarin een aantal interessante waarnemingen staan vermeld. Dit artikel staat stil bij een aantal opvallende en zichzelf versterkende combinatie van deze waarnemingen uit dat rapport.

In the Netherlands, mayors are entitled to close public and non-public premises if drug-related activities are being conducted there. Using data from the case law of Dutch lower courts, published between 2008 and 2016, this article examines the relative success of different types of litigants, and the influence of case characteristics on drug-related closure cases. We build on Galanter’s framework of ‘repeat players’ and ‘one-shotters’, to argue that a mayor is the stronger party and is therefore more likely to win in court. We categorise mayors as ‘upperdogs’, and the opposing litigants as ‘underdogs’. Moreover, we distinguish stronger mayors from weaker ones, based on the population size of their municipality. Similarly, we distinguish the stronger underdogs from the weaker ones. Businesses and organisations are classified as stronger parties, relative to individuals, who are classified as weaker parties. In line with our hypothesis, we find that mayors win in the vast majority of cases. However, contrary to our presumptions, we find that mayors have a significantly lower chance of winning a case if they litigate against weak underdogs. When controlling for particular case characteristics, such as the type of drugs and invoked defences, our findings offer evidence that case characteristics are consequential for the resolution of drug-related closure cases in the Netherlands.

The aim of the present research was to gain insight into the topic of ‘task-related rule-breaking behavior’ (TRB) among Dutch police officers. TRB is a more refined alternative for the concept of noble cause corruption and has been defined as: police officers breaking rules or formal agreements for the purpose of acting in a manner that contributes to the lawful police task. Qualitative research has been conducted within one of the ten regional police forces in the Netherlands. Results show that TRB appears to be a relatively common phenomenon during policework. Behaviors are categorized in sixteen categories and five overarching outlines. In addition, attention is given to several important factors that could be related to TRB being distinguishable between police officers’ individual responsibility and organizational factors. To handle TRB, it is recommended to pay attention to the police officers’ approach of judging and rationalizing their own behavior, their level of knowledge, and social skills. Furthermore, organizational structure (i.e., spam of control) and police leadership may, among other factors, play an important role in encouraging TRB. Especially the way supervisors deal with police officers’ professional autonomy needs specific attention in order to reduce TRB. Autonomy needs guidance in the form of clear orders followed by feedback and coaching. Also, an active form of ethical leadership is needed. An action framework is presented that could be helpful to supervisors to judge and thereby reduce forms of TRB.

Increasing digitization and datafication lead to an increasingly important role of data in our society and to changes in the way institutions work and decisions are made. Although it can lead to changes in the type of crime (e.g. cybercrime), datafication also facilitates shifts from visible and registered crime to crime that has not (yet) been measured and registered, like manifestations of organized crime. Analyzing so-called big data can help to recognize new forms of crime, predict risk factors, and decrease the dark number of these forms of crime.
In this study, we illustrate which indicators determine the stage of an industrial area regarding the occurrence of organized crime. Our supervised machine learning analysis shows that a number of indicators actually have predictive value for the degree of organized crime. These indicators could be used in the future to distinguish which industrial areas run an increased risk of organized and subversive crime.

Nederland loopt zijn grote achterstand op herstructureringsgebied in. De WHOA is een evenwichtig en breedgedragen wetsvoorstel waarmee bedrijven in moeilijkheden kunnen worden gered. In deze column wordt betoogd dat het instrument in de komende crisis eigenlijk niet kan worden gemist. De recent ingediende amendementen kunnen beter worden bewaard voor een volledige herziening van het insolventierecht.

Dit artikel is gebaseerd op het proefschrift Contempt of court. Een meerwaarde voor de goede strafrechtspleging in Nederland?. De auteur zet uiteen wat onder ‘contempt of court’ moet worden verstaan en gaat in op de vraag of het instrument een zinvolle bijdrage kan leveren aan de waarborging van een goede strafrechtspleging in Nederland.

De Hoge Raad deed vorig jaar uitspraak in de procedure naar aanleiding van het Schietincident in Alphen aan den Rijn. In deze bijdrage staat vooral het oordeel omtrent de relativiteit centraal, maar tevens wordt aandacht besteed aan het condicio sine qua non-verband en art. 6:98 BW.

Undermining has become a buzz-word in Dutch politics and security governance. On national and local level there is great concern about the disappearing lines between the legal and illegal world, which affects the democratic order and rule of law in the Netherlands. Hence, everything possible should be done in order to combat the creeping threat of undermining. However, what is undermining actually? And why has the concept become so popular now? In this contribution, the authors will consider those and other relevant key questions about the rise and effect of the undermining concept to provide more conceptual clarity. By critically reflecting on undermining as a speech act, that is ‘underminization’ (cf. securitization), and based on empirical research, the authors suggest that there are two discourses at work that hinder the effectivity of the concept: one is specifically focused on the drugs industry with its illegal activities and one broadens the concept into unlawful and undesired developments that interfere with societal stability. The authors conclude that the concept of undermining may mobilize at policy level, yet seems to paralyze at operational level.

This contribution reports on a delimited part of a larger, exploratory study, the main question of which was: How do aldermen perceive threats, what are their behavioral intentions and what is the influence of threats on the process and the outcome of decision-making? This question was answered with the help of Q methodology, semi structured interviews and case studies. This article discusses the results of the case studies and semi structured interviews on the impact of threats on decision-making. In two of the investigated cases (N=3) there are indications that the threats affect the decision-making process. The first case involves risk-avoiding behavior. In the second case there is a stronger conviction and hardening of opinions. There are no indications that threats affect the outcome of the decision-making process. The political administrative system that we have in the Netherlands is able to counteract improper influence. This is due to various elements in the system such as the boldness and the results-focused attitude of civil service (case 1) and the mayor and aldermen (case 2 and 3) and the design of the rules and procedures (case 1, 2 and 3).

This contribution reports about a research in a medium-sized municipality on the possibilities of giving municipalities an instrument to determine at the earliest possible stage which neighborhoods are at (increased) risk of exposure to organized crime and its consequences. We are searching for indicators to measure that exposure to give direction to preventive measures. Our focus is on the erosion of structures and foundations of society as a result of activities of organized crime, eventually resulting in the infringement of the rule of law. It is therefore not about the phenomenon of organized crime itself, but about its effects on society. This requires clarification and measurability of the concept. In this first exploration, we focus on the following five manifestations of the effect of organized crime: The emergence of a subculture: not recognizing government authority; the emergence of takeover of power in the neighborhood; the emergence of vulnerable groups of citizens; the creation of the image: crime pays off; and the emergence of unfair competition.