Onafhankelijkheid: een thema dat zowel nationaal als internationaal de gemoederen bezig weet te houden. Hoogste tijd voor een speciaal nummer over dit onderwerp, waarbij in de verschillende bijdragen is geprobeerd het concept onafhankelijkheid vanuit uiteenlopende invalshoeken (OM, ZM en balie) te belichten.

The subject of this article is constitutional transformations in Sub-Saharan Africa upon and after the region’s encounter with the third wave of democratization in Africa (TWD) that took place between 1989 and 1994. Since failure in democratic rule in the region was associated with the ease with which political elites amended formal constitutions to subvert democracy, anti-authoritarian factions perceived the solution to the problems bedevilling democratic governance in Africa to lie in formal constitutional rewriting. Hence, virtually all countries ventured into constitutional change – amendment or substitution – in the early 1990s. Inasmuch as different countries changed different formal aspects of their constitutions, they largely recognized multiparty democracy and obliterated the hitherto formulations that either allowed or endorsed single-party political regimes. Yet, on the ground different transitional outcomes were achieved, with a majority of countries either failing to transform at all from de facto authoritarianism or simply making partial transitions into semi-authoritarian or rather hybrid regimes. Using Cameroon, Kenya and Benin, this article contends that disestablishment of authoritarian rule depends on certain enabling factors, which seem to go beyond textual formulation and which may account for both the present conditions of these countries and the different transitional outcomes that were realized after these countries changed their formal constitutions in the early 1990s.

In dit artikel staat de vraag centraal in hoeverre opsporingsautoriteiten op basis van de relevante gezichtspunten/factoren voor stelselmatigheid en bezien in het licht van de huidige technische mogelijkheden van een webcrawler de mate van inbreuk op de persoonlijke levenssfeer kunnen inschatten en de aard en ernst van die inbreuk zoveel mogelijk kunnen beperken.

Police officers are often the victim of aggression by citizens, which has negative consequences for them and society in general. Therefore, it is important to gain knowledge about related factors. This study examines to what extent experiencing aggression as a police officer is related to their patience with citizens and use of force. Two explanations based on the victim-offender overlap are examined: that aggression experiences and dealing with citizens influence each other and that they have common causes. This study was conducted on the basis of a longitudinal questionnaire survey among police officers (N=693). The results show that interaction with citizens, including patience with citizens and the use of force, is related to the aggression police officers experience. The association diminishes when common causes, in this case socio-demographic and work-related characteristics, are taken into account, but does not disappear. No direct support is found for reciprocal influence. Implications and suggestions for further research are described.

Onder andere de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid bepleit dat toezichthouders de maatschappelijke opbrengsten van hun werk centraler stellen in hun beleid. Dat maakt het inzicht in de effecten van hun handelen steeds belangrijker. Dat geldt ook voor de Belastingdienst. Dit artikel beschrijft hoe het evalueren van de effecten van de handhaving door de Belastingdienst zich de afgelopen jaren heeft ontwikkeld en welke lessen daaruit zijn te leren over het meten van effecten door toezichthouders. Wij stellen vast dat sprake is van een toenemende aandacht voor evaluaties in het fiscale domein, maar dat effectmeting nog geen integraal onderdeel is van het werk van de Belastingdienst. Sommige van de geïdentificeerde uitdagingen zijn hardnekkig, maar bij andere – zoals het expliciteren van de beleidstheorie – zijn positieve ontwikkelingen zichtbaar. Toezichthouders zijn gebaat bij een systematisch en gestructureerd evaluatieproces dat is ingebed in de werkwijze van de toezichthouder en dat een samenhangend en onderbouwd resultaat van de uitgevoerde activiteiten laat zien om zo de toegevoegde waarde van het toezicht inzichtelijk te maken. Een strategie waar effectmeting onderdeel van is, een duidelijke visie op evalueren, centrale coördinatie, een evaluatieagenda en kortcyclisch evalueren helpen naar ons idee om beter in te spelen op hetgeen het toezicht in de huidige tijd vraagt en om tegelijkertijd de uitdagingen die kleven aan het uitvoeren van effectmetingen beter het hoofd te kunnen bieden.

Veel Nederlanders zijn verplicht zich in wachtdiensten beschikbaar te houden voor oproepen naast hun reguliere werkweek. Volgens een reeks uitspraken van het Europese Hof van Justitie gelden de inactieve uren van deze diensten onder omstandigheden als arbeidstijd, onder andere als de reactietijd na de oproep kort is, of als oproepen veelvuldig voorkomen. In dit artikel wordt betoogd dat bij geschillen hierover meer aandacht moet uitgaan naar het recht op ononderbroken rust na afloop van deze diensten. Anders dan vaak wordt gesteld, kent de Richtlijn wel een derde categorie naast ‘arbeidstijd’ en ‘rusttijd’, namelijk de ‘ononderbroken compenserende rusttijd zonder verplichtingen’. Het recht op ononderbroken rust na een wachtdienst wordt onvoldoende onderkend in het Nederlandse arbeidstijdenrecht. Daardoor is ons recht in strijd met artikel 17 lid 2 en artikel 18 Europese Richtlijn 2003/88, en lopen werknemers met wachtdiensten gezondheidsrisico’s door gebrek aan slaap. Kunnen rechtzoekenden hier iets aan doen?

The fact that Spanish clubs/Sociedades Anónimas Deportivas (SADs) were spending beyond their means led LaLiga to impose a set of restrictive measures to ensure a fair balance between income and expenditure, always focusing on the long-term economic sustainability of these entities. One of these measures affects the amount clubs/SADs can use to pay their players’ salaries. The LaLiga regulations are comprehensive and complex. This article uses the example of Leo Messi and FC Barcelona to provide some practical clarifications.

In zijn oratie gaat Kemp in op de spanning die binnen de vennootschap bestaat tussen de vennootschapsleiding die het belang van de vennootschap moet behartigen en de aandeelhouders die – volgens de heersende leer – hun eigen belang mogen behartigen. Mede op grond van rechtseconomische gedachten doet hij een aanzet tot hoe de bevoegdheidsverdeling binnen de vennootschap verder kan worden vormgegeven.

This article discusses the key methodological shortcomings of experimental regulations and regulatory sandboxes. I argue that the poor design and implementation of these experimental legal regimes have both methodological and legal implications. The deficient design of experimental regulations and regulatory sandboxes can have three adverse effects: First, the internal validity of experimental legal regimes is limited because it is unclear whether the verified results are the direct result of the experimental intervention or other circumstances. The limited external validity of experimental legal regimes impedes the generalizability of the experiment. Second, experimental legal regimes that are not scientifically sound make a limited contribution to the advancement of evidence-based lawmaking and the rationalization of regulation. Third, methodological deficiencies may result in the violation of legal principles which require that experimental regulations follow objective, transparent, and predictable standards. I contribute to existing comparative public law and law and methods literature with an interdisciplinary framework which can help improve the design of experimental regulations and regulatory sandboxes. I draw on social science literature on the methods of field experiments to offer novel methodological insights for a more transparent and objective design of experimental regulations and regulatory sandboxes.

Procedural justice has been at the forefront of empirical legal research in the Netherlands in past years. One of the major goals of this research is to find out what the effects are of the perception of procedural justice. In this article, I argue that the notion of procedural justice is deontological in nature. It has an intrinsic value, which means that it cannot be weighed against other interests. This is recognized in law: people have a right to a fair trial. However, since in social scientific research the focus is on the effects of procedural justice, researchers treat this concept (also) as a consequentialist notion. It is thought of as a means which can serve some useful end. My aim is to assess whether this way of valuing procedural justice can be considered acceptable. An important upshot of my discussion is that conducting research into procedural justice implies a normative stance. Finally, I suggest ways in which an all too instrumental approach to procedural justice can be avoided.

Predictive policing is the use of historical crime and other data in complex statistical models to predict where and when there is a high risk of new crime events. These predictions can then be used to direct police patrols proactively. Despite the increasing use and commercialisation of predictive policing worldwide, academic research into the methodological and operational dimensions of predictive policing is relatively limited. Since 2015 we have researched and tested several predictive crime models methodologically and operationally, based on police and other (big) data sources in several Belgian police districts. In this article, we summarise the results of six years of empirical research into predictive policing and look to the future of predictive policing research and practice.

The article discusses the tension between social solidarity and religious freedom as demonstrated by the refusal of the ultra-Orthodox sects in Israel to comply with COVID-19 regulations. The article provides a detailed description of the refusal to comply with the regulations restricting mass prayer services in synagogues and studying Torah in the yeshivas, thus interfering with the ultra-Orthodox religious life. The article suggests possible explanations for that refusal, based on either religious beliefs or a socio-political claim to autonomy, and discusses whether the polity should be willing to tolerate such a refusal on the basis of the cultural defence. The article concludes that despite the drastic restrictions on religious life caused by the social distancing regulations, and the special importance of freedom of religion, reducing the pandemic’s spread called for awarding priority to solidarity over religious freedom, and the enforcement of social solidarity legal duties – the social distancing regulations – on all.

Populism is a somehow intractable notion, since its reference is much too wide, comprising phenomena that are indeed in conflict between them, and moreover blurred, by being often used in an instrumental, polemical way. Such intractability is then radicalized through the two alternative approaches to populism, one that is more or less neutral, rooting in the political science tradition, and a second one, fully normative, though fed by political realism, founding as it does on a specific political theory and project. In the article an alternative view is proposed, that of populism as the politics that is congruent with the increasing role played by ‘screens’, icons, and images in social relationships and indeed in political representation. In this way populism is approached as the specific way politics is done within the context of a digitalized société du spectacle.

The article uses three prominent examples from the Dutch context to problematize the relationship between contractual and social solidarity during the coronavirus crisis. The social science ideal types of ‘mechanical’ and ‘organic’ solidarity, and their typified correspondence with legal modes of punishment and compensation, are used to illuminate the way in which solidarity language in private relationships can convey and normalize assumptions about the public interest and economic order.

The Court of Appeal (CA) has allowed an appeal by HM Revenue & Customs (HMRC) against a decision that there was insufficient mutuality of obligation and control for football referees to be treated as employees for tax purposes.

The Dolj Tribunal has ascertained that a former employee, while acting as school director, by not fulfilling her obligations to schedule the annual leave of school teachers, including herself, cannot claim against the school as the employer for not providing the opportunity to take the annual leave or to inform of the possibility of losing such right. Furthermore, such actions of the former director will lead to the loss of the right to request compensation in case of termination of employment.

In international organized drug crime, the Netherlands is an important transit country (especially for cocaine and, to a lesser extent, heroin and other drugs) and an important production country (of cannabis and synthetic drugs). Drug production and trafficking have serious consequences for society. For example, in addition to possible health damage due to drug use, criminal money flows become intertwined with the regular economy. There is also an increase in new perpetrators, facilitators and bystanders who become involved in illegal activities, murders, and other violence due to conflict between criminal groups and dumping waste from drug production. Organized drug crime increasingly has a far-reaching and subversive impact on the Netherlands and its rule of law. The murders of journalist Peter R. de Vries and lawyer Derk Wiersum are painful recent examples. Despite these severe consequences, the approach to organized drug crime has long been what we can retrospectively call ‘modest’, ‘naïve’, ‘incidental’, and ‘fragmented’.