Hoewel kinderen disproportioneel geraakt worden door klimaatverandering, is er tot op heden nog relatief weinig aandacht besteed aan de juridische kant hiervan. Dit artikel tracht bij te dragen door antwoord te geven op de vraag in hoeverre kinderen ‘klimaatrechten’ hebben op mensen- en kinderrechtelijk vlak. In dit kader worden de ontwikkelingen op het terrein van mensenrechten geschetst. Ook wordt ingegaan op de belangrijkste juridische implicaties van kinderrechten zoals neergelegd in het IVRK. Hiervoor zijn ook alle Concluding Observations uit 2019 op dit onderwerp bestudeerd. Bovendien wordt het analytisch rapport van de OHCHR over klimaat en kinderrechten besproken. Tot slot wordt ingegaan op de klimaatklacht die momenteel voorligt bij het VN-Kinderrechtencomité en de mogelijkheden van kinderen in Nederland voor de effectuering van hun rechten op dit vlak.

In dit artikel bespreekt de auteur de last tot uitgave van geld of van een goed, al dan niet ‘uit de nalatenschap’, aan een of meer personen ten laste van een of meer (of de gezamenlijke) erfgenamen. De keuze van de wetgever om een dergelijke last niet meer als schuld van de nalatenschap te beschouwen, en de daaruit voortvloeiende aanpassingsoperatie van de nodige bepalingen in Boek 4 BW, heeft soms tot onnauwkeurige, soms tot inconsistente en soms zelfs tot onjuiste resultaten geleid.

Henk Leenen besteedde al in zijn eerste gezondheidsrechtelijke studies aandacht aan de Europeesrechtelijke dimensies van het gezondheidsrecht. Hoe keek Leenen ruim veertig jaar geleden tegen deze relatie aan? En hoe heeft het Europees recht nader vorm gegeven aan het gezondheidsrecht en vice versa? Een analyse.

Overtredingen van de belastingwet kunnen zowel worden beboet als strafrechtelijk bestraft. Het una-viabeginsel voorkomt dat twee keer wordt bestraft voor hetzelfde feit. Recent is in twee arresten van gerechtshoven aan de orde gekomen of het onjuist invullen van twee posten in één belastingaangifte separaat kan worden bestraft. De auteurs bespreken deze problematiek aan de hand van deze arresten alsmede de rechtspraak van de Hoge Raad en het EHRM en komen tot de conclusie dat de aangifte ondeelbaar is, zodat het opzettelijk indienen van een onjuiste belastingaangifte slechts éénmaal kan worden bestraft.

Classic pragmatists like John Dewey entertained an encompassing notion of science. This pragmatic belief in the continuities between a scientific, ethical and cultural understanding of the world went into decline in the middle of the 20^th century. To many mid-century American and English philosophers it suggested a simplistic faith that philosophy and science could address substantive questions about values, ethics and aesthetics in a rigorous way. This critique of classic pragmatism has lost some of its force in the last few decades with the rise of neo-pragmatism, but it still has a hold over disciplines like economics and law. In this article I argue that this criticism of pragmatism is rooted in a narrow conception of what science entails and what philosophy should encompass. I primarily focus on one facet: John Dewey’s work on art and aesthetics. I explain why grappling with the world aesthetically, according to Dewey, is closely related to dealing with it scientifically, for instance, through the poetic and aesthetic development of metaphors and concepts to come to terms with reality. This makes his theory of art relevant, I argue, not only to studying and understanding law, but also to teaching law.

Terrorism can only be brought to an end if Islam and the Muslim community are enlisted as allies in combating it. Underlying militant jihadism is a violent interpretation of Islam which can best be challenged with the assistance of Islam and the Muslim community. Since the effects of the current state-led approach are questionable, while its criminal law component is close to exceeding the limits set by the rule of law and turns Muslims into a suspect community, it is important to test by way of a pilot whether an approach based on Islam can reap more promising results.

Als de bestuursrechter algemeen verbindende voorschriften voortaan indringender toetst door de zogenoemde ‘evidence base’ ervan te toetsen, waar loopt hij dan tegenaan in de praktijk? De processuele consequenties van een dergelijke toetsing worden in dit artikel beschreven. Specifiek wordt ingezoomd op het bestuursrechtelijke uitgangspunt van ex-tunctoetsing, het ambtshalve aanvullen van de rechtsgronden en de partijstelling. De auteur concludeert dat ondanks de primaire focus van het bestuursprocesrecht op individuele geschilbeslechting, de Awb evidence base-toetsing mogelijk maakt. Om die toetsing in de praktijk aan effect te doen winnen, is echter ook de wetgever nodig.

The public health systems of liberal states systematically fail to meet the goals and obligations of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which aims to facilitate full societal participation and independent life choices by all impaired persons, as well as the unburdening of their private caretakers. This failure does not stem from a lack of money or effort by governments and other societal institutions, but flaws in the anatomy of these systems. As these systems confine institutional assistance to the needs of persons with certain delineated disabilities, they neglect the needs of other persons, whose disabilities do not fit this mould. The responsibility for the latter group thus falls to their immediate social circle. These private caretakers are in turn seldom supported. To remedy this situation, I will present the alternative paradigm of vulnerability theory as the possible foundation for a more inclusive approach to public health.

The role that Paul Scholten assigns to conscience in his legal methodology still leads to heated discussions in literature after almost 100 years. Recognizing that in case law the conscience of the judge can be of decisive importance is apparently problematic. It would facilitate political court rulings, make judicial judgment uncontrollable and could be arbitrary for the parties to the legal dispute. Not only Scholten’s view on the role of conscience in judicial decision making is “a stumbling block”. At least as great is the fuss about his representation of conscience. Only Christian lawyers could identify with this. This article attempts to shed new light on the above points of criticism by drawing attention to the following aspects of Scholten’s legal methodology: the role of the facts in establishing the law, the nature of the legal judgment and finally the grounds on which conscience may be determined.

Long before the coming of the Bill of Rights in written Constitutions, the common law has had the greatest regard for the personal liberty of the individual. In order to safeguard that liberty, the remedy of habeas corpus was always available to persons deprived of their liberty unlawfully. This ancient writ has been incorporated into the modern Constitution as a fundamental right and enforceable as other rights protected by virtue of their entrenchment in those Constitutions. This article aims to bring together the various understanding of habeas corpus at common law and the principles governing the writ in common law jurisdictions. The discussion is approached through a twelve-point construct thus providing a brief conspectus of the subject matter, such that one could have a better understanding of the subject as applied in most common law jurisdictions.

This article presents an interdisciplinary comparison of British and German legal arguments concerning the justification of the use of force against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). It is situated in the broader framework of research on strategic culture and the use of international law as a tool for justifying state behaviour. Thus, a gap in political science research is analysed: addressing legal arguments as essentially political in their usage. The present work questions whether differing strategic cultures will lead to a different use of legal arguments. International legal theory and content analysis are combined to sort arguments into the categories of instrumentalism, formalism and natural law. To do so, a data set consisting of all speeches with regard to the fight against ISIS made in both parliaments until the end of 2018 is analysed. It is shown that Germany and the UK, despite their varying strategic cultures, rely on similar legal justifications to a surprisingly large extent.

The aim of the present research was to gain insight into the topic of ‘task-related rule-breaking behavior’ (TRB) among Dutch police officers. TRB is a more refined alternative for the concept of noble cause corruption and has been defined as: police officers breaking rules or formal agreements for the purpose of acting in a manner that contributes to the lawful police task. Qualitative research has been conducted within one of the ten regional police forces in the Netherlands. Results show that TRB appears to be a relatively common phenomenon during policework. Behaviors are categorized in sixteen categories and five overarching outlines. In addition, attention is given to several important factors that could be related to TRB being distinguishable between police officers’ individual responsibility and organizational factors. To handle TRB, it is recommended to pay attention to the police officers’ approach of judging and rationalizing their own behavior, their level of knowledge, and social skills. Furthermore, organizational structure (i.e., spam of control) and police leadership may, among other factors, play an important role in encouraging TRB. Especially the way supervisors deal with police officers’ professional autonomy needs specific attention in order to reduce TRB. Autonomy needs guidance in the form of clear orders followed by feedback and coaching. Also, an active form of ethical leadership is needed. An action framework is presented that could be helpful to supervisors to judge and thereby reduce forms of TRB.

In this article, we analyze which aspects of performance theory and the procedural justice-based model are explaining the trust of shopkeepers in the police and local government. Utilizing a survey of 156 shopkeepers and 94 semi-constructed interviews with shopkeepers, which are located at the South Shopping Boulevard in Rotterdam (The Netherlands), the study finds that shopkeepers have a relatively high trust in the police and local government. This is surprising because various attempts in the past 30 years to revive the high street by the government have failed to improve its bad image, as dwindling visitor numbers, poor turnover, limited range of retailers, empty shops and high crime and offence levels show only too plainly. The findings also highlight that ethnic minority respondents have more trust in local government than Dutch shopkeepers. The explanation therefor is sought in the dual frame of reference theory.

Traditionally, the mayor has an important role as a citizen’s father and as a maintainer of public order. In the context of the so-called ‘undermining’ criminality, the mayor has been increasingly empowered with new legal instruments to combat undermining criminality. Some mayors see themselves as a sheriff. However, in the Dutch Municipal Act, the mayor only has a task of maintaining the public order. How does this task relate to combating undermining criminality? What is the role of the mayor in the combat of undermining criminality? Nowadays, there is no legal basis in the Dutch Municipal Act to equip the mayor with crime-fighting duties. This article proposes to equip the mayor with a legal duty as a crime fighter.

Qualitative research in an immigration detention center in the Netherlands shows that detained unauthorized migrants consider the entry procedure in Immigration Centre Rotterdam procedurally just. These migrants are generally positive on the fairness of the entry procedure as their safety and welfare are guaranteed and existing procedural justice criteria are respected. However, they believe that immigration detention in itself is illegitimate and that they do not deserve to be detained. This shows that the focus on procedures and interactions is insufficient to understand the perceived legitimacy of immigration detention if shared values and consent with the legal basis of immigration detention are lacking.