The public health systems of liberal states systematically fail to meet the goals and obligations of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which aims to facilitate full societal participation and independent life choices by all impaired persons, as well as the unburdening of their private caretakers. This failure does not stem from a lack of money or effort by governments and other societal institutions, but flaws in the anatomy of these systems. As these systems confine institutional assistance to the needs of persons with certain delineated disabilities, they neglect the needs of other persons, whose disabilities do not fit this mould. The responsibility for the latter group thus falls to their immediate social circle. These private caretakers are in turn seldom supported. To remedy this situation, I will present the alternative paradigm of vulnerability theory as the possible foundation for a more inclusive approach to public health.

In dit artikel wordt het arrest TenderNed besproken, waarin het Hof van Justitie oordeelde dat het aanbieden van applicaties ter ondersteuning van aanbestedende diensten bij de uitvoering van hun aanbestedingsactiviteiten niet onder de staatssteunregels valt. Met het aanbieden van TenderNed wordt namelijk uitvoering gegeven aan overheidsgezag en daarom is geen sprake van een economische activiteit waarop de staatssteunregels van toepassing zijn. In dit artikel onderzoekt de auteur de in deze arresten gegeven interpretatie van het begrip ‘overheidsgezag’.
HvJ 7 november 2019, zaak C-687/17 P, ECLI:EU:C:2019:932 (Aanbestedingskalender BV e.a./Europese Commissie)

Deze bijdrage richt zich op de mogelijkheden en beperkingen om voor- en nadelen van een duurzaamheidsafspraak te kwantificeren onder artikel 6 lid 3 Mededingingswet gebaseerd op de kosten-batenanalyse, de welzijnsanalyse en de capaciteitenbenadering.

In dit artikel wordt een overzicht gegeven van de overwegingen die ten grondslag liggen aan de marktafbakening bij de productie van eigen merk (branded), co-packing (merk van een derde) en private label (huismerk). Hierbij zullen zaken en kernoverwegingen uit de beschikkingspraktijk van de Europese Commissie, de ACM en de Britse mededingingsautoriteit CMA worden besproken. Het artikel spitst zicht toe op overwegingen voor het upstream (productie)niveau aan de hand van beschikkingen inzake, met name, levensmiddelen.

This article seeks to examine the development of positive obligations under European law in the specific context of the rights of sexual minorities. It is clear that the law should respect and protect all sexualities and diverse intimate relationships without discrimination, and for this purpose it needs to ensure that sexual minorities can not only be free from state interference when expressing their sexuality in private, but that they should be given the right to express their sexuality in public and to have their intimate relationships legally recognised. In addition, sexual minorities should be protected from the actions of other individuals, when these violate their legal and fundamental human rights. Accordingly, in addition to negative obligations, European law must impose positive obligations towards sexual minorities in order to achieve substantive equality for them. The article explains that, to date, European law has imposed a number of such positive obligations; nonetheless, there is definitely scope for more. It is suggested that European law should not wait for hearts and minds to change before imposing additional positive obligations, especially since this gives the impression that the EU and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) are condoning or disregarding persistent discrimination against sexual minorities.

The article analyses the jurisprudence of international tribunals on the education and housing of Roma and Travellers to understand whether positive obligations can change the hearts and minds of the majority and promote minority identities. Case law on education deals with integration rather than cultural specificities, while in the context of housing it accommodates minority needs. Positive obligations have achieved a higher level of compliance in the latter context by requiring majorities to tolerate the minority way of life in overwhelmingly segregated settings. Conversely, little seems to have changed in education, where legal and institutional reform, as well as a shift in both majority and minority attitudes, would be necessary to dismantle social distance and generate mutual trust. The interlocking factors of accessibility, judicial activism, European politics, expectations of political allegiance and community resources explain jurisprudential developments. The weak justiciability of minority rights, the lack of resources internal to the community and dual identities among the Eastern Roma impede legal claims for culture-specific accommodation in education. Conversely, the protection of minority identity and community ties is of paramount importance in the housing context, subsumed under the right to private and family life.

Het Ministerie van EZK heeft onderzoek laten doen naar de maatschappelijke onderneming. Auteurs bespreken naar aanleiding daarvan de huidige toepassings- en herkenningsmogelijkheden van de maatschappelijke onderneming met een blik op het verwachte wetsvoorstel voor de BVm.

In strafzaken is het verzamelen van elektronisch bewijsmateriaal vaak essentieel voor de waarheidsvinding. Voor de gegevensdrager eindigt de strafrechtelijke reis echter niet als de informatie op de gegevensdrager is geanalyseerd en vervolgens eventueel als bewijsmateriaal in een strafzaak is gebruikt. Naar Nederlands recht rust het beslag op de gegevensdrager en niet op de (voor de strafzaak relevante) gegevens. Dit betekent dat – na inbeslagname van de gegevensdrager – de autoriteiten de beschikking verkrijgen over alle gegevens die op de gegevensdrager staan opgeslagen. Wanneer over de gegevensdrager een beslissing wordt genomen, volgen de daarop opgeslagen gegevens het lot van de gegevensdrager. De verdachte is bij verbeurdverklaring of onttrekking aan het verkeer dan zowel zijn gegevensdrager als de daarop opgeslagen gegevens kwijt.
Betwijfeld kan worden of die praktijk conform hogere normen is, zoals het recht op respect voor privéleven (art. 8 EVRM).

In each youth justice system, several age limits exist that indicate what type of reaction can and may be connected to the degree of responsibility that a person can already bear. Civil liability, criminal responsibility and criminal majority are examples of concepts on which age limits are based, but whose definition and impact is not always clear. Especially as far as the minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR) is concerned, confusion exists in legal doctrine. This is apparent from the fact that international comparison tables often show different MACRs for the same country. Moreover, the international literature often seems to define youth justice systems by means of a lower and upper limit, whereas such a dual distinction is too basic to comprehend the complex multilayer nature of the systems. This contribution therefore maps out and conceptually clarifies the different interpretations and consequences of the several age limits that exist within youth justice systems. To that extent, the age limits of six countries are analysed: Argentina, Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, New Zealand and Northern Ireland. This legal comparison ultimately leads to a proposal to establish a coherent conceptual framework on age limits in youth justice.

In deze bijdrage wordt het rapport van de Commissie Regulering van Werk (commissie Borstlap) geanalyseerd. De inhoud van het rapport wordt besproken en voorzien van kritiek. Tevens worden op onderdelen voorstellen gedaan voor nadere uitwerking en/of verbetering. De algemene indruk is dat het rapport van waarde is. Het brengt een integrale benadering van de arbeidsmarkt mooi in kaart en reikt denkrichtingen aan waarlangs toekomstig beleid kan worden vormgegeven. Kritiek is er ook. Denkrichtingen zijn niet allemaal op eenzelfde wijze uitgewerkt en op onderdelen blijft de zoektocht naar de mate van insluiting en uitsluiting van bescherming ambigu. De auteur doet aan het slot een aantal voorstellen voor een (nog beter) spoorboekje naar modernisering van het arbeidsrecht.

‘Illiberal’ is an adjective that is commonly used by scholars. For example, they might speak of ‘illiberal cultures’, ‘illiberal groups’, ‘illiberal states’, ‘illiberal democracies’, ‘illiberal beliefs’, and ‘illiberal practices’. Yet despite its widespread usage, no in-depth discussions exist of exactly what it means for someone or something to be illiberal, or might mean. This article fills this lacuna by providing a conceptual analysis of the term ‘illiberal practices’, which I argue is basic in that other bearers of the property of being illiberal can be understood by reference to it. Specifically, I identify five ways in which a practice can be illiberal based on the different ways in which this term is employed within both scholarly and political discourses. The main value of this disaggregation lies in the fact that it helps to prevent confusions that arise when people use the adjective ‘illiberal’ in different ways, as is not uncommon.

Increasing digitization and datafication lead to an increasingly important role of data in our society and to changes in the way institutions work and decisions are made. Although it can lead to changes in the type of crime (e.g. cybercrime), datafication also facilitates shifts from visible and registered crime to crime that has not (yet) been measured and registered, like manifestations of organized crime. Analyzing so-called big data can help to recognize new forms of crime, predict risk factors, and decrease the dark number of these forms of crime.
In this study, we illustrate which indicators determine the stage of an industrial area regarding the occurrence of organized crime. Our supervised machine learning analysis shows that a number of indicators actually have predictive value for the degree of organized crime. These indicators could be used in the future to distinguish which industrial areas run an increased risk of organized and subversive crime.

Attempting to understand the Greek narrative of crisis, this paper examines the most prominent forms of violence that emerged in the period of acute economic recession and political upheaval in Greece namely structural, institutional and anti-institutional violence. This paper aims to highlight existing theoretical gaps and avoid common fallacies of the current body of knowledge. In contrast to some of the more common features of the discussion on violence, this note sets out to: a) acknowledge that violence is not necessarily a physical act, b) acknowledge that the outcomes of violence performances might not be physical either, c) specify and adequately distinguish agency and structural dynamics and d) address the cultural and contextual aspects of violence. Vital to this endeavor is to acknowledge, identify and understand the interactive relation between different forms of violence that emerge during the same period of time in a context in which conflict escalates.

Multi-national corporations are increasingly facing attention and disapproval by different actors, including authorities, public and (non-) commercial organizations. Digital globalization and especially social media as a low-cost, highly interactive and multidirectional platform shape a unique context for this rising attention. In the literature, much attention has been devoted to top-down approaches and strategies that corporations use to avoid stigmatization and sanctioning of their behaviour. Reactions to corporate harm are, however, seldom researched from a labelling perspective. As a result, corporations are not considered as objects towards whom labelling is targeted but rather as actors who hamper such processes and who, as moral entrepreneurs, influence which behaviour is labelled deviant. Based on theoretical analysis of literature and case studies, this article will discuss how the process of labelling has changed in light of the digitalized, late-modern society and consequently, how the process should be revisited to be applicable for corporate deviance. Given a diversification of moral entrepreneurs and increasingly dependency of labelling and meaning-making on the online sphere, two new forms of labelling are introduced that specifically target institutions; that is bottom-up and horizontal labelling.

Talk, chat, and stories are ubiquitous in ethnographic research. Engaging with the recently burgeoning literature around narrative criminology, this article argues that considerations of stories and storytelling can add much to cultural criminologists’ pursuit of ‘criminological verstehen’ (Ferrell, 1997). In doing so, we focus on one case study: ethnographic research grounded within the USA’s contemporary ‘doomsday’ prepping subculture. The article considers the value of attending to narrative during the pursuit of verstehen at two levels. First, we address the importance of storytelling upon entry to the ethnographic field – drawing attention to how the narratives researchers share, and their respect for certain stories, can facilitate deep and experiential access to stigmatized fields of activity (such as prepping). Second, we explore how narrative remains in play during immediate experiences. In particular, we argue that fleeting excitements featured in prepping lifestyles are often shaped by the significance of the ‘moments’ in which they occur to numerous personal narratives. We therefore contend that, for ethnographers interested in verstehen, a consideration of narrative offers a means to expand and deepen empathetic appreciation of participants’ worldviews and activities.

Deze kroniek bevat een overzicht van de rechtspraak van het Hof van Justitie van de Europese Unie (HvJ EU) en het Gerecht van de Europese Unie (Gerecht EU) op het gebied van het gezondheidsrecht in de afgelopen twee jaar. De precieze kroniekperiode is 1 februari 2017 tot 1 april 2019.

In 2016 the Dutch Government Commission of Reassessment of Parenthood (GCRP) proposed a wide array of legal changes to Family Law, e.g. with regard to legal multi-parenthood and legal multiple parental responsibility. Although the commission researched these matters thoroughly in its quest towards proposing new directions in the field of Family Law, multi-parents themselves were not interviewed by the commission. Therefore, this article aims to explore a possible gap between the social experiences of parents and the recommendations of the GCRP. Data was drawn from in depth-interviews with a sample of 25 parents in plus-two-parent constellations living in Belgium and the Netherlands. For the most part the social experiences of parents aligned with the ways in which the GCRP plans to legally accommodate the former. However, my data tentatively suggests that other (legal) recommendations of the GCRP need to be explored more in depth.
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In 2016 stelde de Nederlandse Staatscommissie Herijking ouderschap voor om een wettelijk kader te creëren voor meerouderschap en meeroudergezag. Ondanks de grondigheid van het gevoerde onderzoek ontbraken er gegevens omtrent de ervaringen van de meerouders zelf. Dit artikel levert een bijdrage in het vullen van deze leemte door inzage te geven in de (juridische) ervaringen van 25 ouders in meerouderschapsconstellaties in België en Nederland.

Imperfecte informatie, complexiteit, en gedragsvalkuilen van consumenten kunnen resulteren in consumenteninertie, die op zijn beurt de concurrentie verzwakt. Zeker als marktwerking nog een ander publiek belang dient of als het om een essentieel product gaat, is het zaak om de concurrentie te beschermen en eventueel aan te jagen, door inertie te verminderen. Mededingingstoezicht en consumentenbescherming en -empowerment zijn in die zin complementair. Dit artikel schetst hoe de complementariteit tussen deze rechtsgebieden anno 2018 wordt vormgegeven in de praktijk, aan de hand van voorbeelden uit Nederland en het Verenigd Koninkrijk.