There is no clear answer to the question if corruption makes victims. Currently an (international) discussion is taking place about this matter. On the one hand it can be discussed that corruption in general does not know any direct victims and that corruption can even take place without any damage. On the other hand it is known that corruption can cause tremendous public and financial damage, with society as a whole as the victim of this crime, whether or not in primary gradation. In the underlying article these two perspectives will be discussed and applied on two cases. Special attention will also be paid to the impact and relevance of pointing out the victims.

This article examines whether samples obtained through offline and online modes, within the context of juvenile delinquency research, differ from one another, when in principle the same population of youths could be reached. Youths participating through a computer-assisted web interviewing mode (CAWI) report less delinquent behaviour, fewer risk factors for delinquency, and exhibit a lower prevalence in police registration, compared to youths participating through a mixed computer-assisted personal interviewing and computer-assisted self-interviewing mode (CAPI/CASI).

The concept of undermining or subversive crime seems to be linked undistinguishably to organized crime and both terms are sometimes used synonymously. Definitions of the phenomenon are sometimes based on its effects, while others have their focus on its manifestations. Discussion on the underlying causes is lacking. Regularly, activities that actually do not relate to undermining are labeled as such.
This reflection critically examines and evaluates the concept of undermining. The central question is what has to be understood under the concept of undermining and, above all: what not? The phenomenon is further explored, with the aim of stimulating scientific debate and empirical research. The role of the government and other institutions in facilitating undermining is explicitly discussed as well as the possibilities to strengthen their resilience.

Since mid-January 2015, nearly 300 soldiers were mobilized by the Belgian government to ensure the safety of public places in Liège, Brussels, Antwerp and Verviers, providing assistance to local and federal police forces. This provoked intense political and public debate about the issue of the provision of security in a democratic society, raising questions such as: which are the goals of security policies and what kind of risks are they supposed to address? Which control instances should be responsible for the provision of security and how should they operate? The central issue, here, is whether either civilian or military actors and practices are the most appropriate for surveillance and policing tasks. As a matter of fact, this discussion goes back to the Belgian independence and has marked the entire history of the Belgian police system, since at the heart of it, there has long been a military police force, the gendarmerie. In this contribution, we examine how the militarization of security and policing tasks evolved across the twentieth century in Belgium, which socio-political conditions shaped these evolutions, and what kind of arguments pro or contra military approaches have been advanced in this process.

High crime rates among second-generation immigrants are usually attributed to the ethnic group’s social disorganisation and weak socio-economic position in the host society. According to the import theory, the causes of crime can however also be sought in their native countries or regions. Due to a lack of empirical data, this has rarely been tested, with Moroccan immigrants in the Netherlands as exception. Ethnographic research among small groups of delinquent boys in Dutch cities suggests that the rural background or the character of the Rif area of its Moroccan immigrants may explain their high crime rate. In this article we examine whether this holds true when all young Moroccan migrants in the Netherlands are taken into account. Crime data from a Police Identification Service System (HKS) at the individual level are linked with personal data from the Social Statistical Database (SSB) of Statistics Netherlands, including their (parents’) regional descent. Logistic regression analysis shows that the current socio-economic position in the Netherlands is a strong predictor of criminal conduct, while the impact of geographic descent, directly or indirectly via socio-economic position in the Netherlands, is negligible. Based on this study, there is no reason to revise the common explanation of the immigrant-crime nexus.

How do organisations collaborate in the daily practice of law enforcement? And what role plays autonomy of government agencies within this cooperation? In this article the authors answer these questions on the base of two case studies: two large scale projects in which a partnership approach was used to combat human trafficking in the Netherlands. Collaboration between city administration, investigation services and tax authorities seems to be very hard to put into practice. This is understandable from the theory that government agencies, while performing their tasks, are focused on achieving autonomy.

Since the last years there is extensive ongoing debate in Belgium about jury trials at the Assize Court. These trials are an example of direct participation of citizens in the criminal justice system. Hence this jury has obtained a special position in the Belgian administration of justice. Jury deliberations behind closed doors and the isolation of jury members from the outside world contribute to the fascination for this legal phenomenon. The element of secrecy also explains why there is so little empirical research on the jury’s functioning and the jurors’ experiences during the process. By means of interviews with former jury members, we studied the influence of lay participation in a jury trial on their views and confidence in jury decision making. We found that a positive evaluation of participation in a jury may strengthen their involvement with and trust in jury decision making. However, our research also reveals that jury trials may lead to some unacceptable deficits in the proceedings and outcome of the process. These results are contextualised in the broader debate about the jury and the demand for reform of the assize court proceedings.

This article first addresses the tension between scientific requirements and policy oriented criminological research. The article then proceeds to describe the historical development of policy oriented criminology in the Netherlands. This narrative can be divided into three phases: early history, the years 1980-1995 and the period from 1995. Criminology in the Netherlands has always had and retains a strong policy orientation. The growth of professional (academic) criminology is a relatively recent phenomenon. ‘Critical’ and ‘public’ criminology always have been and remain the work of individuals. The development of policy oriented criminological research in the Netherlands appears dependent on governmental involvement. The situations in Belgium and the USA give the same impression.