In 2008 the Party for the Animals in Dutch Parliament submitted a bill on the slaughter of animals without stunning. Initially this bill was formulated as a ban of slaughter without stunning. But then an amendment was included with the clause that this form of slaughter was allowed, provided it can be proven that animal welfare is not more affected than in regular slaughter. This would result in a de facto prohibition. Although the House of Representatives (Tweede Kamer) voted in favor of this bill, it was rejected by the Senate (Eerste Kamer), much to the relief of the Jewish and Muslim communities in the Netherlands. Jews and Muslims must meet with several rules according to their faith while slaughtering animals. One of these rules is that animals are killed without prior stunning. This contribution focuses on arguments regarding animal welfare against and religious arguments for slaughter without stunning.

On the one hand, the religiously motivated circumcision of male minors is a manifestation of the right to freedom of religion. On the other hand, circumcision is an interference with the right to physical integrity. This article makes an effort to explain the fundamental rights’ position of male minor circumcision, dealing as well with the right to freedom of religion of the male minor, with some medical aspects, and with the difference between the circumcision of boys and girls. The article results in a discussion of the question, if specific regulation is required, in view of the recent discussion about the legitimacy of circumcision of male minors.

Spiritual assistance to people in an institute, was of old a task of churches and religious or philosophical communities. In the intramural health care more and more health care chaplains are working, the position of which is based only on an appointment of the management and not at the same time on a mission of a church or comparable community. This is experienced as a problem, because there is no supervision on the qualities of these health care chaplains. Therefore a committee recently proposed to establish a Council for Independent Spirituality, who tests the qualification and the competence of unattached health care chaplains and take care of their work.

The Dutch Social Support Act aims at a bigger role for the civil society in informal care. This appeal includes churches. In this article, the question is: do churches indeed want to participate more in social support? And what is subscribed to churches in the Social Support Act?
Formal documentation of all denominations formulate an active role of churches, both in society in general and more specifically in social support. In national legislation, the Social Support Act does not describe clearly what its expectations of churches are. This is partly so because the Law only gives a general frame for new policy, and local governments make their own policy based on their specific local situation. Local government show a wide variety of possible roles they expect from churches. These roles differ in some aspects from the roles churches describe themselves. Churches themselves do not clearly communicate to governments what they are willing and capable to do in the field of social support; maybe so because they do not realized yet how big the changes induced by the Social Support Act are.

The article deals with an unknown chapter of the history of Muslims in the Netherlands in the interwar period. It follows the public debate about the construction of the first mosque in The Hague before the Second World War. The first initiative was made in 1929 by the Dutch convert to Islam Mohammed Ali van Beetem, who played a leading role among the Indonesian Muslim community in the Netherlands. After more than two decennia of debate and negotiations with the municipal authorities in The Hague, the first mosque was finally built by the Ahmadiyya-mission in 1955.

Religion-related stress is the product of a predominantly secular society in which people are confronted with diverse religious practices. The phenomenon occurs where public meets private. How can employers ensure compliance with conflicting religious and other commitments in the workplace? The concept of respectful pluralism as formulated by Douglas Hicks in his book Religion and the Workplace, may go a long way to negotiating a solution to the debate between conformity and diversity.

Since many churches can no longer be used for divine worship, the canonical procedure for the relegation of churches to profane use has gained much interest among both faithful and citizens who want a church not to be closed down or even demolished. Many times parishioners take recourse against the Bishop’s administrative decree deciding the relegation of a church to profane use, i.e. that the church building is no longer designated for Catholic worship. It is extremely important for a bishop, therefore, to fulfil all the requirements of the law in making this decision. In this article the different steps of this procedure and of the administrative recourse to the Congregation of the Clergy and the Supreme Court of the Apostolic Signature are explained.

This is the second part of an analysis of the use of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the first part of which appeared in the previous issue of this Journal. This part sets off with a discussion of the use of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ in cases concerning the place of religion in education. Subsequently, a variety of cases is dealt with that challenge restrictions on religious liberty set by the state or restrictions by third parties tolerated by the state. Finally, this contribution offers an overarching reflection on the use by the ECtHR of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ in its case law. It concludes that this qualification, which has no explicit treaty basis, is an inadequate standard for use at the international level and that the ECtHR itself is hardly ‘neutral’ in its application of the standard.

Financial relationships between state, churches and religious organisations have existed for a long time in Dutch history. This could be understood from a general interest point of view in the nineteenth century and the social welfare state. However, that century and the welfare state do not exist anymore. Also society and people have changed. Do the financial relationships still exist nowadays and if so, to what extent and how should one assess these financial relationships? In order to deal with these questions, the article gives a comprehensive overview of the current situation of different financial relationships between state and religious organisations against a constitutional and historical background. It is argued that most of these relations are legitimate under certain conditions and that the constitutional framework of separation of church and state should not be overestimated in this field.

The chaplaincy in penitentiary institutions shows a peculiar co-operation between the state and the religious communities. The chaplains provide a safe opportunity for supporting the detainees. The growing religious individualisation as well as a political rethinking of the role of religions institutions ask for system adaptations. In particular, the denominational approach is subject to discussion.

In the contemporary reform of the Dutch welfare state, civil society plays a prominent role in the solution of individual needs. This article investigates, from a normative point of view, the consequences for the churches as part of civil society. The outline of this policy is decentralization of welfare to local communities, saving of money, and a more active role of citizens in need to solve their problems alone. Then the normative framework is sketched with the help of the basic principles of Catholic Social Teaching (personality, subsidiarity, solidarity and common good), as well as ‘caritas’. The consequences for the churches are analyzed, first from the perspective of their participation in this legal and policy-framework. There is a great complementarity in theory and practice, but research shows that local governments are reluctant in cooperating with churches, which have to be careful that their own identity will be instrumentalized. Second, the consequences are analyzed for the core business of churches: it appears that the government wants to have an insight in the processes of giving meaning to life of individuals to give the help (financially), efficiently and effectively, according to the policy goals. Thus, although the government wants to appeal to civil society and calls upon the churches explicitly, the paradoxical consequence will be that the free expression of religion will be limited in the functioning of the future welfare state.

Since 2001 the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) regularly applies the normative characterization of the state as a ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ in its cases. This qualification has no explicit basis in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Where does it come from, how does the ECtHR understand this, in which type of cases does the ECtHR use it and with which result? This essay analyses the use of this qualification by the ECtHR and aims to provide an answer to these questions. It asserts that the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ is an inadequate standard and examines wether it may harbor other normative dimensions that are important in the relation between state and religion. After introducing the first case in which the ECtHR used this qualification, the first part deals with cases concerning conflicts within and between churches, equal treatment of religious groups in multi-tiered church and state systems, and pupils in public schools wearing religious garb. The second part will appear in the next issue of this Journal and continues with an analysis of cases concerning the place of religion in education, and various alleged interferences of religious liberty. It concludes with a reflection on the use by the ECtHR of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organizer of religious’.

In this paper I test the thesis that the different fortunes of the secular state in the predominantly Jewish, Christian and Muslim countries depend significantly, although not exclusively, on their different religious background and, in particular, on the conception of God’s law that developed in the theological and legal traditions of these three religions. My analysis will focus primarily on Sunni Islam, Orthodox Judaism and Roman Catholic Christianity. The model of the secular state appears to be connected to the Christian theological concept. It is not neutral and thus, it is futile to attempt to export this model to religious and legal traditions that do not meet the conditions for accepting it.

The introduction of the separation of Church and State had far-reaching consequences for the Roman Catholic Church. Important changes were: the development of an own Ius Publicum Ecclesiasticum, a more central position of the Pope in the Church and a greater uniformity in the Church community than ever before. In the same time in most Western countries Roman Catholics started an emancipatory process both individually and as a group, participating in political life, (re-)establishing religious communities and catholic associations. All these juridical developments really transformed the Church making also new theological reflection possible resulting in the Second Vatican Council.

A historical analysis demonstrates that religious minorities and their protection needs played an important role in the emergence and the first developments of fundamental rights. It is indeed possible to denote a close correlation between the protection needs of religious minorities on the one hand and the fundamental rights enshrined in declarations and treaties on the other. Closer scrutiny reveals that this correlation can actually be explained by evolving views about the special vulnerability of religious minorities in the periods concerned. More recent developments of the human rights paradigm reveal that in the meantime other groups in particular are considered vulnerable and thus in need of special protection.

The Dutch Industrial Organisation is a public-law system of product boards and industrial boards, which are authorized to lay down general rules and impose levies on the companies under their jurisdiction. It was established in 1950 on a firm theoretical ground, where three principles coincide: the socialist principle of ‘functional decentralisation’, the protestant concept of ‘sovereignty within the communal spheres’ and the Roman Catholic concept of ‘subsidiarity’. The papal encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (1931) added greatly to the philosophical basis of this system and to the ‘collective bargaining economy’, which is so characteristic for the political culture of the Netherlands.

Dutch society is continually faced with conflicting interests in the context of religious expression by ethnic minorities in particular. In such instances, the constitutional freedom of religion clashes with other rights and interests, including other fundamental rights. This article provides a guideline for approaching such conflicts. It demonstrates the juridical need to seek compromise, as a means of overcoming the dilemma posed by conflicting interests. The article contains a moral call for an open mind and tolerance, as a favourable condition for achieving compromise.

This article sketches the relationship between the churches and the State since the end of the reign of the Stadtholders (1795). The decision of the Batavian Republic to recognize independence and equal rights of each church (1796) appears to be effective not before the midst of the 19th century, under influence of liberal policy. It opened the way to co-operation between church and state, aimed at a democratic society. The churches should not be reluctant in implementing their freedom to act as free partners in the social debate.

Nowadays the interest in and valuation of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is impressive, but when it comes to the effective implementation of CSR in business practices there seems to be a large gap. In order to advance CSR, it is important to know what motivates executives to contribute to CSR. Religiosity may be a motivational driver of CSR. I investigated whether religiosity influences executives’ view of and contribution to CSR. Based on empirical research conducted among 473 executives, I find that traditional religiosity leads to a philanthropic orientation towards CSR and a significant higher contribution to CSR in terms of charity. Otherwise, I find that non-traditional religiosity leads to a financial orientation towards CSR and a significant higher contribution to CSR in terms of diversity.

The policy document Integration, commitment and citizenship concludes that the Islam ‘worries parts of the Dutch society’ because of beliefs that according to them are incompatible with the democratic constitutional state. In this article we look at the relationship between Islam en citizenship from within the Indonesian Muslim community in the Netherlands. This article is based on research on positioning and self-definition of Indonesian Muslims in the Netherlands. Indonesian Muslims are in general well integrated in Dutch society. They work or study in the Netherlands and they are active in social life. Newcomers respect the pluriform and democratic legal order they already know from Indonesia. At the same time Indonesian Muslims are remarkably silent in the public debate on Islam. On the one hand this derives from their individualistic and inward interpretation of Islam, on the other hand it derives from their Indonesian national character and it partially comes from the changed political climate in the Netherlands.