The environmental crisis makes it clear that our current legal instruments and concepts are not sufficient to effectively combat, remedy and prevent widespread environmental harm. However, new concepts and approaches are being developed that try to reduce these legal imperfections. Our essay explores these developments, in particular the emergence of a legal duty of care for the environment, the rights of nature-movement, the campaign to make ecocide (mass damage and destruction of the environment) an international crime and the application of restorative justice to repair environmental harm. We also advocate a new multidisciplinary perspective launched by us: positive green criminology.

Henk Leenen besteedde al in zijn eerste gezondheidsrechtelijke studies aandacht aan de Europeesrechtelijke dimensies van het gezondheidsrecht. Hoe keek Leenen ruim veertig jaar geleden tegen deze relatie aan? En hoe heeft het Europees recht nader vorm gegeven aan het gezondheidsrecht en vice versa? Een analyse.

This contribution puts the developments of the socio-legal approach of access to justice and legal aid in the low countries (Belgium and the Netherlands) in a broad perspective. During the last 40 years, the journal has dealt with some general problems, related to the accessibility of justice and legal aid and the effects of legislation in that field. Some important differences between het Belgian and the Dutch situation are highlighted. Although the general situation has not changed dramatically in both countries, some improvements have been achieved, e.g. when it comes to the so called “social legal aid”. Still, a better and more equal access to justice has to be promoted and realised.

Most countries in the world chose a more or less stringent form of lockdown policy in order to protect citizens from contagion. This essay offers a critical perspective by asking for the Netherlands whether flattening the curve does not cost more healthy life years (qaly’s) than it saves. A cost-benefit analysis is performed discussing four issues. First: how many qaly’s are actually saved by the lockdown measures? Second: what are the opportunity costs of the lockdown? This means investigating how many qaly’s could have been generated if the economic cost of the lockdown had been spent directly into health care. Third: investigating how many qaly’s are lost because of postponing regular care. And fourth: discussing how many qaly’s are at stake because of excess unemployment. While acknowledging uncertainties the conclusion seems unavoidable: lockdown has and will cost more qaly’s than it generates.

De wereld van werk is in diepe verandering door megatrends in de demografie en sociologie van de beroepsbevolking, in de economische globalisering en in technologische innovatie. ‘Werk 4.0’ fascineert en beroert de geesten. Maar wat betekent de toekomst van werk voor de toekomst van arbeidsrecht? Deze bijdrage herijkt het arbeidsrecht op de schaal van Werk 4.0. Ze argumenteert paradigmaveranderingen die de focus van het arbeidsrecht verschuiven naar activeringsrecht, loopbaanrecht, arbeidskwaliteitsrecht, talentrecht en activiteitsrecht. Ze schetst een verbreding van het arbeidsrecht in een context van transversale talentontwikkeling, alsook een verpersoonlijking van sociale bescherming. Deze bijdrage pleit ook voor nieuw sociaal overleg dat inspeelt op de nieuwe noden die de arbeidsveranderingen teweegbrengen. Ze trekt assen die toelaten om de toekomst van arbeid en arbeidsrecht als een positieve keuze te omarmen.

During the recent ‘refugee crisis’, governments have been confronted with various problems concerning asylum reception. In several locations in the Netherlands, as well as elsewhere in Europe and beyond, new local forms of experimenting around the issue of asylum reception have begun. One example is Utrecht’s ‘Plan Einstein’. In Overvecht, a district of the city, an office building has been converted into an asylum shelter, where 400 asylum seekers live together with 38 non-refugee youngsters from Utrecht. The Centre runs courses and activities, offered to both asylum seekers (including those who do not yet have a residence status) and local residents. Employing the concepts of ‘multilevel governance’ and ‘experimental governance’, this article indicates why this initiative was able to be realized at this location and at this time.

Positive security is a very promising development in criminology. The ‘movement’ reconnects the current debate on crime with the origins of ancient Greek thinking on the positive nature of politeia, policy and policing. Securitas - providing safety and security for the common good - has a long and rich tradition. Good governance is about many things, but foremost about providing security in society. Polizeiwissenschaft in 18th and 19th century Prussia made a distinction between Wohlfahrt- and Sicherheitspolizei.
The latter is outright dangerous because security becomes equated with negative connotations: the other, the enemies of the state, the drug war and more recently the war in terror. In times like these the positive qualities of securitas become inflated. Human rights, privacy and the rule of law are no longer viewed in positive terms. Therefore I advocate the positive security movement. But the author is worried about two things. Firstly, the current Zeitgeist which is charged with xenophobia and war like languages. And, secondly the fact that the ‘movement’ is limited to a few rebels with a cause. The mainstream of criminology is not really interested in reconnecting with the philosophical positive roots of securitas. Mainstream criminology fosters the status quo and is financially too depended on the state to actually follow the new heroes of positivity. The only way out is to develop a following but this requires academics to actually take a stand.

Various studies show that the views on the drug problem and appropriate policy responses have undergone profound changes from the 1960s onward. This article is analysing one of these changes, the decriminalisation of drug use, reflecting a fundamental change of view: understanding drug use as a health issue and not as crime. A useful heuristic to understand this type of change is Thomas Kuhn’s paradigm concept. He sees a paradigm as a set of beliefs that are shared by a scientific community and accepted by a wider community. A paradigm change is therefore a socio-psychological process rather than rooted in new scientific or research facts.
The author analyses the change from the dominance of a crime to the dominance of a health paradigm reflecting its social-historic context, starting with the widely shared concerns about substance use related health problems in the 20th century. These concerns translated into two different views on the essence of these problems, a crime and a health paradigm. The first served as fundament of the international drug control efforts, resulting in the still governing drug prohibition. Yet, the health paradigm was also of influence from the start and gradually gained weight. From the 1970s onwards the health paradigm became more important as part of a wider reform movement. It started in the Netherlands and the UK as bottom-up process criticising criminalising the users of illicit drugs as inappropriate, detrimental for their health and inhumane. The health paradigm was seen as more appropriate.
The author reflects on the benefits and disadvantages of the health paradigm. Its primary benefit is that it helps to understand the health problems related to drug use. A key disadvantage is its close relationship with the disease paradigm. The latter fits well with the generally negative view on drugs as dangerous or evil. It is encompassing the risk of ‘pathologising’ all forms of drug use and denying phenomena of unproblematic use for, among other things, recreational or spiritual purposes. Like the crime paradigm it can serve for control purposes. The drug user remains subject of control or disciplining policies and is not in charge of his/her own life. An additional problematic issue is that ‘softening’ the approach towards the users seems to be mirrored by a harder, more punitive approach to the producers and sellers of the substances, which are seen as villains, making available the drugs which deserve harsh punishment for ‘devastating’ the lives of users.
The author concludes with a short discussion of the well-being paradigm as possible alternative for the health paradigm. It covers a broader spectrum than the health paradigm and helps to grasp the negative impact of (problem) drug use, reducing well-being, but is also useful in understanding the positive sides, enhancing well-being.

Het verhaal van het staatsrecht over wat wetten zijn en doen, sluit niet meer aan bij de kennis van burgers over de wet. Naast een formeel en een materieel wetsbegrip is het daarom tijd voor een verhalend wetsbegrip dat aansluit bij de verhalen die in de cultuur de ronde doen over de wet. Daarbij kan worden aangesloten bij Diderot die tijdens de Franse Verlichting op een verhalende manier de betekenis van wetten voor het leven onderzocht en zo met een actieve opvatting van burgerschap een tegenwicht verschafte tegen de theoretische leerstellingen van Montesquieu en Rousseau waar het Nederlandse staatsrechtelijke wetsbegrip sterk door beïnvloed is.

Het verhaal van het staatsrecht over wat wetten zijn en doen, sluit niet meer aan bij de kennis van burgers over de wet. Naast een formeel en een materieel wetsbegrip is het daarom tijd voor een verhalend wetsbegrip dat aansluit bij de verhalen die in de cultuur de ronde doen over de wet. Daarbij kan worden aangesloten bij Diderot die tijdens de Franse Verlichting op een verhalende manier de betekenis van wetten voor het leven onderzocht en zo met een actieve opvatting van burgerschap een tegenwicht verschafte tegen de theoretische leerstellingen van Montesquieu en Rousseau waar het Nederlandse staatsrechtelijke wetsbegrip sterk door beïnvloed is.