There is no clear answer to the question if corruption makes victims. Currently an (international) discussion is taking place about this matter. On the one hand it can be discussed that corruption in general does not know any direct victims and that corruption can even take place without any damage. On the other hand it is known that corruption can cause tremendous public and financial damage, with society as a whole as the victim of this crime, whether or not in primary gradation. In the underlying article these two perspectives will be discussed and applied on two cases. Special attention will also be paid to the impact and relevance of pointing out the victims.

Een pleidooi om de eeuwige zoektocht naar abstracte normatieve grondslagen te staken en op zoek te gaan naar de voorwaarden voor het ontstaan en voortbestaan van normatieve systemen vanuit een buitenstaandersperspectief dat conceptuele anayse verbindt met historische en sociologische inzichten.

De wereld van werk is in diepe verandering door megatrends in de demografie en sociologie van de beroepsbevolking, in de economische globalisering en in technologische innovatie. ‘Werk 4.0’ fascineert en beroert de geesten. Maar wat betekent de toekomst van werk voor de toekomst van arbeidsrecht? Deze bijdrage herijkt het arbeidsrecht op de schaal van Werk 4.0. Ze argumenteert paradigmaveranderingen die de focus van het arbeidsrecht verschuiven naar activeringsrecht, loopbaanrecht, arbeidskwaliteitsrecht, talentrecht en activiteitsrecht. Ze schetst een verbreding van het arbeidsrecht in een context van transversale talentontwikkeling, alsook een verpersoonlijking van sociale bescherming. Deze bijdrage pleit ook voor nieuw sociaal overleg dat inspeelt op de nieuwe noden die de arbeidsveranderingen teweegbrengen. Ze trekt assen die toelaten om de toekomst van arbeid en arbeidsrecht als een positieve keuze te omarmen.

Criminology traditionally focuses on the human experience. However, several criminologists have seriously criticized this anthropocentric perspective. In their view from a criminological perspective humans and other than human animals should be given equal attention. Although they advocate a non-speciesist criminology, they are not trying to fundamentally change criminology as we know it. Instead, their appeal is to not consider other than human creatures as passive objects and solely from the perspective of their usefulness for humans. Yet, this objective poses substantial methodological challenges to criminologists.

De termen ‘smart contracts’ en ‘blockchain’ kunnen verwarrend zijn. Zo hoeven smart contracts geen contracten te zijn, maar kunnen ze dat wel zijn. Ze zijn, anders dan de naam wellicht doet vermoeden, nog niet intelligent (althans: niet in combinatie met een blockchain). En hoewel vaak gesproken wordt van de blockchain, is er niet slechts één (soort). Dit artikel beoogt misverstanden met betrekking tot de relatief nieuwe termen smart contracts en blockchain te voorkomen.

De ILO bestaat in 2019 honderd jaar. Nederland is vanaf het begin lid geweest van deze tripartite internationale organisatie, die na 1945 onder de paraplu van de Verenigde Naties is komen te vallen.
Nederland heeft zich doorgaans opgesteld als een actief en betrokken lid; het heeft in vergelijking met andere lidstaten veel ILO-verdragen geratificeerd, te weten 106.
Met dit grote aantal ratificaties heeft de ILO relatief grote impact gehad op het Nederlands arbeidsrecht.
Er waren ‘kwesties’ met de ILO over onder meer de loonpolitiek, de sterkte van de Arbeidsinspectie, het ontslagrecht en de vakbondsvrijheid.
Opvallend is dat Nederland ILO-verdrag 158 over het ontslagrecht niet heeft geratificeerd.
Op terreinen waar veel overheidsgeld mee gemoeid is, zoals bijvoorbeeld de loonpolitiek, de sterkte van de Arbeidsinspectie of de sociale zekerheid, leeft de Nederlandse overheid pas na veel tijdsverloop en druk van de ILO de aangegane verplichtingen na.

During the recent ‘refugee crisis’, governments have been confronted with various problems concerning asylum reception. In several locations in the Netherlands, as well as elsewhere in Europe and beyond, new local forms of experimenting around the issue of asylum reception have begun. One example is Utrecht’s ‘Plan Einstein’. In Overvecht, a district of the city, an office building has been converted into an asylum shelter, where 400 asylum seekers live together with 38 non-refugee youngsters from Utrecht. The Centre runs courses and activities, offered to both asylum seekers (including those who do not yet have a residence status) and local residents. Employing the concepts of ‘multilevel governance’ and ‘experimental governance’, this article indicates why this initiative was able to be realized at this location and at this time.

Contemporary cities are increasingly characterised by ‘super diversity’. As Putnam’s thesis about the negative social consequences of ethnic diversity is correct, we may assume that growing diversity also negatively affects crime and fear of crime in cities. After all: the more diversity, the less social cohesion and the less collective efficacy, ultimately resulting in higher crime rates. More diversity also implies less (public) familiarity in neighbourhoods and more fear of crime. On the other hand, some qualitative studies show that particularly residents of relatively homogeneous districts perceive migrants as threatening. Migrants are seen as less threatening when neighbourhood residents are familiarized with ‘the other’ and when there are more interethnic contacts. Various foreign and Dutch studies show an independent effect of ethnic diversity in the neighbourhood on fear of crime. However, this effect disappears when other resident characteristics are included into the analysis. Residents of ethnically diverse and deprived districts are generally less satisfied with their neighbourhood, have less trust in the government and are more often victimized. Precisely these perceptions and experiences explain why they more often feel unsafe in their own neighbourhood.

Last year the article ‘Episodic memory and interviewing witnesses. What do police interviewers know about this topic?’ (Odinot, Boon & Wolters, 2015, TvC, 57(3), 279-299) was published in this journal. The article describes a study that explored the knowledge of police interviewers about episodic memory. The researchers concluded that police interviewers had insufficient knowledge of episodic memory and that this was related to the lack of psychological terms in the manual of the curriculum of police training. In this article we describe the lack of scientific consensus about episodic memory and the consequences of this for doing research with lists with theses about this subject. Differences between interviewing witnesses and suspects will be discussed. We also question whether it is necessary that police interviewers have thorough knowledge of episodic memory. More important is what knowledge does police need when doing interviews and how are these conducted? Some factors have a negative impact on the quality of those interviews, so we end up with some recommendations for improving the quality of interviews in police practice.

This contribution aims to discuss the main outcomes of the recent UNGASS (United Nations General Assembly Special Session) on Drugs that took place in New York from 19 to 21 April 2016. Based on my own participation in the preparatory discussions and political negotiations as civil society representative (through the work of NGO Transnational Institute), I argue that political divisions and entrenched institutional dynamics have transformed what could have been the beginning of the end of the war on drugs into a wasted opportunity for changing the status quo of the present world regime regarding the production, trafficking and use of illegal drugs. Despite high initial expectations after several governments expressed a clear concern about the effects of purely repressive policies, and the UN decision to organize the session 3 years earlier than planned, very soon it was clear that the session would not imply real changes in the current policies. The agenda setting was non-transparent and controlled by the most conservative factions and countries, largely excluding the views from NGO’s and academics in the final adopted resolution. The final document poorly reflects the rich discussions and developments that are taking place in many countries of the world, particularly the debates and policy developments in ‘the Americas’. A positive note is that the unchanged international UN conventions on drugs can hardly cope with developments taking place on cannabis policies in countries such as Canada, Uruguay, United States or Jamaica. Also other countries are more and more prepared to push for change on other essential questions, including the application of death penalty for drug offences, the access to controlled medicines, or the explicit application of ‘harm reduction’ approaches.

In this opinion piece the authors reflect upon the way in which applied research for law enforcement and safety management is valued within the prevailing academic culture. By drawing from the scholarship on public criminology, the authors introduce the democratic underlabourer as an important yet often undervalued and underrepresented figure capable to bridge potential gaps between academia and the practical field of law enforcement and safety management. By getting organized in the form of a guild, democratic underlabourers would increase their clout and visbility.