The introduction and fast growing popularity of electronic dance music has strongly influenced the spread of so-called party drugs in Amsterdam. Trends in substances use in Amsterdam's nightlife have been monitored systematically with ‘Antenna’, combining qualitative and quantitative methods. Ecstasy remained the most popular stimulant drug, but since the late 1990s it had to compete with cocaine, and to a lesser extent with amphetamine. In the past decade, GHB and ketamine also gained popularity among clubbers and pub-goers. However, the vast majority does not take illicit drugs while going out at night. Alcohol remains by far the most popular substance, and has become even more important in the past decade.

The main difference between various forms of prevention of organised crime is between primary and secondary prevention on the one hand and tertiary prevention on the other. The latter is directed at diminishing an already existing problem. This article deals with social conditions which promote the arising of organised crime and with relevant specifically vulnerable factors and sectors (primary and secondary prevention). The authors argue that in a way every society gets the organised crime it deserves. Organising and regulating society often has the side effect of creating opportunities for individuals and groups which gain profit by exploiting the illegal markets that arise as a consequence of regulations. Whether the desire for regulation or the prevention of (organised) crime should prevail is a topic for political and social debate.

Offenders can be deprived from their profession or office by a court. The Dutch legislator has recently increased possibilities for the judge to disqualify offenders who committed certain crimes within their professional occupation. This article discusses a study on the penalty of expulsion from a profession or an office. It appears that this penalty is not often imposed. Most cases concern sex crime cases and fraud cases. Although it is a penalty, the prosecutors and judges general aim at preventing new crimes when considering a disqualification. It is not known whether convicted persons comply to this penalty. The prosecution does not actively supervise observance. Respondents in this study fear that relapse into new crime within a profession happens, but figures are lacking on this point. Positive and negative sides of the disqualification are discussed in the article.

In the Netherlands a system of evidence-based interventions was set up, in which only behavioural interventions which meet the scientifically proven ‘What Works’ criteria can be applied to well-defined categories of offenders. An accreditation commission was installed by the ministry of Security and Justice to test behavioural interventions. One of the crucial elements of this evidence-based policy is that the interventions are carried out according to protocol and are applied to the target group by well-trained personnel. This, however, is a problem in practice. Reasons for the low intervention integrity lie among others in lack of support and lead in the organisation and low inflow of participants. The integrity problems pose a risk to the effectiveness of behavioural interventions. Literature suggests that a 100% compliance to protocols might be necessary nor desirable. Causes that lie in the organisation could be improved and the implementation process could be given some more time. Evidence-based policy is not that easy to carry out in daily practice. The future will show whether the goal of a reduction of criminal recidivism will be realized.

This article focuses on a phenomenon often called ‘function creep’. This is the process whereby new functions are added to systems that are basically intended for other purposes, or when systems or data originally intended for function A are linked to other systems or data having function B. New technical possibilities have definitely paved the way for function creep and a growing number of ICT-applications appear no longer limited to the purpose for which they were originally set up. Function creep is an inherent feature of innovation. But at the same time it poses risks if considered from a privacy perspective. After detailing many examples of function creep, the article elaborates on a potential risk not often discussed: loss of data quality. The analysis concludes in arguing that citizens can act as a crucial countervailing power to limit the expansion of function creep. This however requires that governments are more open and accountable to allow for a transparent and verifiable comparison between the interests at stake.

In this article it is argued that function creep is a structural phenomenon which is inherent in policy development. The author discusses several policy development theories which might be useful in trying to explain the phenomenon that policy instruments tend to be applied in reaching purposes never intended at the time these instruments were developed.
Kingdon's streams model, the classic phase-oriented approach (e.g. Hoogerwerf), Sabatier's advocacy coalition theory as well as Walker's diffusion theory give various explanations for the phenomenon of function creep. But crucial is that policy makers are always looking for new innovating policy instruments to achieve their objects. According to the author it is almost impossible to prevent function creep. To some degree the abuse of function creep can be prevented by institutionalising these processes and to submit them to democratic control, checks and balances, procedures and other guarantees. But this will never be enough to escape from the ‘voyeurist society’.

Intervention teams are among the most discussed tools in the current process of securitisation. Their integrated approach takes into account all underlying causes of insecurity and quality of life. For a more effective approach authorities and organisations have to cooperate and let go of their mutual boundaries. But can the participants put aside their differences in perspectives and policies? This article discusses the goal of ‘ontkokering’ (‘decompartalisation’), this was done through a study of the practices of intervention team SIP in Amsterdam. On basis of thirteen interviews and observations the authors argue that there are three main mechanisms or ‘molar barriers’, which conserve the old structures in the integrated approach of the intervention team: ‘methodical robustness’, ‘institutional robustness’ and ‘financial robustness’.