This article aims to clarify the phenomenon of iconoclasm and how it impacts today’s society, in spite of the lack of research on this topic. After establishing its complex and sensitive nature, a first assessment containing types of iconoclasm and various motives of iconoclasts is presented. Different forms of iconoclasm are distinguished, explained and illustrated using examples. Special attention is given to the subject’s sensitivity in modern society while establishing the connection of the topic with identity in multiple shapes and forms. The article aims at contributing to a future multi-disciplinary debate.

Studying terrorism and radicalization is quite problematic because of a lack of reliable sources. Finding out what motivates terrorists often boils down to educated guessing. The author describes the search for an academic definition of terrorism and summarizes the development of this discipline since the 1970s, thereby distinguishing research on three levels: macro, micro and meso. While before 9/11 few academics were involved in this research field, it ‘exploded’ thereafter. Important factor contributing to this expansion is the greater availability of government funds and relevant data for this type of research. However, the growth of this discipline isn’t just good news, researchers should be aware of a number of pitfalls identified as the proximity to government power, too much self-confidence (hybris) of researchers pretending to have designed a ‘unified theory’, the abundance of funds for this type of research, resulting in a lot of low-quality research, and finally the politicization of the subject, which could limit the academic freedom.

Research into radicalization and terrorism assumes that violent individuals have political or religious intentions and motivations. However, what ‘political or religious motivations’ exactly are changes through time. A rigorous conceptual demarcation of ‘radicalization’ and ‘terrorism’ runs the risk of overlooking societal and political changes leading to a variety of violent outbursts that may have more in common than assumed at forehand. Hans Magnus Enzensberger’s concept of ‘the radical loser’ is used as an example of a broader conceptualization that can function as a category enabling interconnected and interdisciplinary research into different manifestations of violence, both in their differences and their similarities. Whether or not terrorists, school shooters and violent lone actors are fundamentally different categories should be a topic of academic enquiry instead of being taken for granted.

In order to understand why people can turn to violence to achieve political or societal changes, it is important to examine factors that can trigger a process of radicalization. In this article the authors outline such a model of trigger factors. In this model they specify trigger factors at the micro level (individual level), meso level (group level), and macro level (societal level). In addition, the authors argue that it is important to take into account personal characteristics, such as age, gender, and the type of motivation, behind a radicalization process. With respect to these types of motivation, the authors distinguish between sensation seekers, justice seekers, identity seekers, and meaning seekers. This model enables to discern triggers in the radicalization process of specific people in specific contexts.

Islamic State uses an age old apocalyptic narrative to attract followers and legitimatize its existence. The author shows which narrative elements were used during earlier stages of violence-inciting apocalyptic manifestations in Christianity and Western ideology and how they can be retraced in the communications and enactments of Islamic State. The use of such a narrative explains why the movement has been so much more powerful in attracting followers than al-Qaeda.