Public values and citizen participation are key terms in smart city discourse that are propagated by all its actors, from governments to corporations and civil society. Nevertheless, the design and development of smart cities are hardly ‘public’ as some publics and some forms of participation are never included. This is particularly visible in current protests against a key enabling technology for smart cities, 5G. These contestations tend to be considered ill-informed and irrational, while their methods are seen as conflictual rather than helpful. In this article the author argues that the public value approach to smart cities is rooted in a deliberative perspective of democracy, while the tensions that are produced by 5G and other forms of anti-technological protest are better understood as part of agonistic democracy. Such conflicts about the new smart technologies that are currently hidden from public sight need to be articulated and constructed as contentious issues for electoral politics, in order for the smart city to acquire its democratic legitimacy.

This article deals with the relationship of smart security technologies to broader modes of exercising power and subjugating individuals. It claims that the notion of psychopower is precisely what is missing from post-Foucaultian accounts of the smart city. In the article psychopower is defined as the manipulation of our consciousness in order to channel our desires toward ‘normal’ social behavior, drawing a line between what is ‘acceptable’ and what is ‘unacceptable’. Psychopower raises a series of concerns related to its democratic legitimacy and accountability as behaviorally informed conditioning of the mind runs the risk of constant surveillance, where human agency is diluted in a techno-utopian vision that promises to improve city-wide efficiency, decision-making, and security.

Governments have a great need for policy-relevant research. The Dutch government obtains part of this research from the so-called state knowledge institutions: public research organizations that support ministries in the preparation and implementation of policy. To be able to provide reliable research, state knowledge institutions must be able to act independently and with integrity. But to be policy-relevant, they must maintain in close contact with ministries. Proper handling of this tension does not only requires ‘hard’ formal rules, procedures and codes of conduct, but also ‘soft’ informal institutions, such as awareness, dialogue, education, and culture. Implementing this is a shared responsibility of both the research organizations and the ministries.

This article outlines the need in the Netherlands for socially effective justice that better resolves citizens’ problems. The author argues that new forms of dispute resolution should be integrated in the justice system. The author first describes various types of innovations. Then he outlines the obstacles to innovations. A major obstacle is that many stakeholders in the existing legal system are simultaneously the gatekeepers for the admission of innovations. It is necessary to create an infrastructure that welcomes, reinforces, tests, finances and imports new treatments for legal problems.

There is no such thing as the feeling of unsafety. The trend in feelings of unsafety is measured using a standard question that has figured in the successive Safety Monitors (Veiligheidsmonitors) for many years: ‘Do you occasionally feel unsafe?’ This general question formulation elicits information on how uneasy the Dutch feel about safety. The nature and burden of this unease may vary greatly among them. The authors’ analysis shows that crime-specific measures of fear of victimization differ fundamentally from both cognitive assessments (risk perception) and general measures of feelings of unsafety. Hence, people who occasionally feel unsafe do not automatically think or fear that they will fall victim to crime and vice versa. Consequently, the authors identify four main constellations of subjective safety which emerge in different population groups, some more burdened by fear of victimization than others. The authors argue that policy should at least seek to reduce the most serious problems. They propose personal fear of victimization as an alternative for general feelings of safety.

In this contribution the author focuses on the relationship between Islam and terrorism. Based on data from the Global Terrorism Database he argues that Islamic terrorism dominates worldwide since 2002. Paying attention to the creed of the jihadists, Salafism, he argues that it is a continuation of the puritanical tradition within Sunni Islam.

Registered youth crime figures in the Netherlands show a spectacular downward trend from 2007 (minus 60%). In this article the authors show that this trend can be observed in a lot of other countries. They argue that a number of international developments has created a climate favorable for juvenile crime reduction: more (situational) crime prevention, less use of alcohol, more commitment to schooling, more satisfaction with living conditions, and changing activity patterns during leisure time. For the Netherlands this coincides with a diminished willingness of the Dutch police to follow up on suspicions that a youngster has committed a minor offense. The authors discuss the worldwide dissemination of smartphones and online games that started in 2006/2007, as well as the subsequent changes in the use of free time, which might have contributed to juvenile crime reduction.

Over the last decades the number of people who have been detained on the suspicion of terrorism has significantly grown. This has resulted in an increased scholarly interest in the topic of prisons and terrorism. However, the main focus of academic research has been the period of incarceration. Especially the question whether terrorists should be isolated from other prisoners has received considerable scientific attention. What happens after their release still remains opaque. In this article some preliminary insights will be shared on particular aspects of the societal reintegration of former suspected terrorist detainees. It presents some of the obstacles, dilemmas and opportunities. These insights where obtained through semi-structured interviews with both professionals and former detainees with a jihadist background.

Two approaches have dominated the way elder abuse is explained and defined: the intrapersonal and interpersonal approaches. More recently, an environmental approach is emerging that takes into account contextual factors. This approach also meets the perspectives of older individuals themselves better. They describe how they feel abused or neglected by the system – by the way in which we organize our institutions. Institutions mirror our society and are shaped in interaction with societal norms and expectations. This influences the way in which older individuals are looked upon, are being approached, and how they see themselves within these institutions. This system abuse is currently beyond the scope of the most commonly used definitions and approaches of elder abuse. However, it is important to acknowledge system abuse, because it makes explicit how older individuals feel abused by and within our institutions. The distress and harm that they experience can therewith be acknowledged and prevented.

This article focuses on ‘culture’ as a concept currently dominating the approach towards Roma and Sinti, in policies and public opinion in the Netherlands and probably in Europe too. The author argues that a culture-sensitive approach is useful indeed, but a fixation on culture leads into a dead end street – especially in the static way in which it is (implicitly) conceptualised. Explaining some traditional Roma habits and values, the author describes examples of everyday life in Roman communities, as well as some lively debates among Roma and Sinti insiders. It is important that the complexity and dynamics of Roma culture are recognised and that outsiders stop defining what Roma culture ‘is’. Instead, recognising the differences between communities as well as the reality of changing norms and values will provide a breeding ground for finding a healthy balance between authenticity and adjustment.

Both the traditional liberal view of freedom as absence of paternalist state interference and the nonliberal Foucaultian analysis of modern governmentality as fully consisting of behavioural management cannot provide an adequate explanation or justification of the popularity of nudging. Alternatively, the theory of interactive metal fatigue shows why nudging is neither paternalist nor managerial; it is better understood as a much-needed and very contemporary way of assisting the modern individual who is no longer able to carry the full burden of his own emancipation. Nudging is thus found unobjectionable, and even beneficial, as long as it enables individuals to act in accordance with the emancipatory norms they themselves adhere to, but not always manage to act on, due to interactive metal fatigue.

Counterfeiting is a major worldwide crime problem and one with demonstrable links to organized criminality. The production and distribution of fake plant protection products is no exception, the proliferation of such products within the European Union owing much to the abuse of parallel trading arrangements and the high profit, low risk opportunity it presents to organized crime groups. It is also a particularly insidious crime; these chemicals are untested and unapproved for use and they pose a serious economic, environmental and human health threat. Of particular concern is the potential for residues from illegal pesticides to persist in harvested crops to then be found in foodstuffs. It is argued that this should be regarded as a food crime.

This essay describes the most important recent events in the field of American drugs legislation covering the liberalization of cannabis policies in several states as well as the reduction of penalties for the possession of crack at the federal level. These developments are situated in a broader context of a complicated and big country with plenty of room for extreme moral views and a very punitive justice policy that targets Blacks and Latino’s much more than the white middle class. The disproportionate impact of the punitive drugs legislation is an important driving force behind the trend towards liberalization, next to the high costs of maintaining an overcrowded prison system.

The Advice Centre for Whistleblowers in the Netherlands (het Adviespunt Klokkenluiders) opened on 1 October 2012 and offers independent and confidential advice to (potential) whistleblowers. Even though the Advice Centre opened only recently, this article gives an overview of the findings of the Advice Centre up-to-date, because of its relevance for the public debate on whistleblowers. The article inter alia mentions the number of whistleblowers that needed advice from the Advice Centre, the sectors where they work(ed), the types of wrongdoing involved in the cases and it describes the questions and dilemmas of whistleblowers who approached the Advice Centre. The article also points out how the Advice Centre could help persons with raising their concern about possible wrongdoing or malpractice in the workplace.

This article seeks to aid understanding of the ways in which different policy purposes, approaches and legal options can be combined in the design of better legislation, using Australia’s recently passed Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013. It provides a guide to key elements of the new legislation, as an example of legislative development taking place over a long period, informed by different trends. In particular, it is one of the first national laws to seek to integrate divergent approaches to the ‘anti-retaliation’ model of whistleblower protection, including its place in the employment law system, it sets new standards for the role of ‘public whistleblowing’ in such a regime, and provides new responses on basic questions of coverage, including which individuals are able to gain the benefit of the legislation. This provides lessons as to how different legal approaches might be better integrated, in pursuit of a clearer understanding of the interface between whistleblowing and other integrity reforms.

The period of austerity which most of Europe is now experiencing is for the first time impacting on law and orders services, particularly the police service. This article gives an overview of the debate in England and Wales on the decision of the Coalition government to cut 20% to police spending and police numbers. An important instrument to reach this goal is the private outsourcing of tasks performed in the back office. The author discusses the public views on the performance and reliability of private security companies. Also the high rise of public police expenses are discussed against the background of declining crime levels.

As a contribution to literature drawing together green criminology and studies of organized and corporate crime, this paper provides a case study of crimes and public health harms linked to the Naples garbage disposal crisis. The context is the inability of modern consumer society to cope with the problem of mass production of waste. In turn this leads to opportunities for both legal and criminal entrepreneurs to offer services that promise but fail to ‘dispose’ of the problem. The analysis draws upon environmental law and classic studies of organised crime.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) changed from a private problem to a public concern over the last decades. It has become subject of various discourses in different domains. In the social sciences the gender-based discriminatory nature of IPV is contested by some researchers who claim a gender equality in IPV. They call for a gender-neutral approach to IPV as a family problem, de-contextualized from gender-based inequalities. In the Netherlands this degendering is reflected in current policy discourse. However, in the international legal human rights domain, IPV is unequivocally considered to be an issue that affects women disproportionately as a form of women's discrimination that is the result of unequal power relations. Both international binding human rights law and recent ruling of the ECHR impose binding duties to acknowledge this. This article addresses the paradox that is reflected in these two positions and how to get beyond it.