Dutch legal scholars have expressed their concern over an increase in (the relevance of) supervision as part of the criminal sanction system. They endorse the need for a more fundamental research on the nature and position of supervision within the Dutch criminal sanction system. This article discusses some fundamental issues: the meaning of autonomy and the position of the autonomous person as an object of supervision, the possible consequences of supervision for and the various purposes of supervision within the criminal sanction system.

Living in a multicultural environment may be accompanied with an increased fear of crime. Residents may become alienated in a very diverse environment and withdraw themselves in their own social world. This ‘hunkering down’ may ensue feelings of unsafety. However, social scientists have done hardly any research on whether citizens who live in a multicultural environment in Western Europe actually feel more unsafe. This study seeks to contribute to fill in this knowledge gap. The authors’ research reveals that residents are more likely to feel unsafe in neighborhoods with a high degree of ethnic diversity. The aforementioned correlation is the most noticeable in neighborhoods consisting of people on medium incomes.

The Royal Military Police (Royal Marechaussee) is an organization of hybrid character, i.e. it is a police force and military force. Due to recent (inter)national developments the Royal Marechaussee has faced some challenges, especially in the event of a threat or near crisis. Those can be analyzed with the model of good governance and its four dimensions: legislation and regulations, implementation, a shared problem orientation and democracy. The Royal Marechaussee seems to focus primarily on the first two dimensions, while neglecting the need for a shared definition of the problem and awareness of the democratic context in crisis situations. This article uses two cases concerning Schiphol Airport to show how the model contributes on the one hand to the analysis of recent threat and crisis management and on the other hand to its improvement.

Last year, Dutch parliament approved the proposal for a new Intelligence and Security Services Act (Wiv 2017). This law will replace the current Intelligence and Security Services Act 2002 (Wiv 2002). The Wiv 2017 should be considered feasible with effect from 1 May 2018. Before that time however, an advisory referendum on the new law will be held on 21 March. This article first discusses the nature of the law and the need for innovation. Subsequently, a comparison of both laws takes place in general terms, with regard to the powers of the intelligence and security services, the safeguards, the supervision, the complaint handling and the international cooperation between intelligence and security services. It is argued that the extension of the powers of the services in the Wiv 2017 is only limited in scope, while the safeguards have been considerably strengthened. The introduction of a binding judgment in complaint handling also contributes to a better and more effective legal protection for citizens.

Both the traditional liberal view of freedom as absence of paternalist state interference and the nonliberal Foucaultian analysis of modern governmentality as fully consisting of behavioural management cannot provide an adequate explanation or justification of the popularity of nudging. Alternatively, the theory of interactive metal fatigue shows why nudging is neither paternalist nor managerial; it is better understood as a much-needed and very contemporary way of assisting the modern individual who is no longer able to carry the full burden of his own emancipation. Nudging is thus found unobjectionable, and even beneficial, as long as it enables individuals to act in accordance with the emancipatory norms they themselves adhere to, but not always manage to act on, due to interactive metal fatigue.

As a core element of the ‘rechtsstaat’ (a country under the rule of law) the importance of the principle of access to justice is widely agreed upon. Nevertheless it is complicated to reach an agreement on subjects that are pivotal to the implementation of this principle in practice. The needs of society change over time and the factors that influence the concrete accessibility are many (costs, length, complexity of procedures, etc.). Furthermore, as a result of the coming into being of ADR and new forms of law enforcement the use of the civil and criminal trial has declined. To evaluate the current state of access to justice against the backdrop of these factors and developments the central question should be whether the judge is still able to fulfil his function in a rechtsstaat of providing legal protection, whilst functioning as a counterbalance to the executive and law-making powers of the state.

This is a review of the book (dissertation) Orde in veiligheid. Een dynamisch perspectief (Order in security; a dynamic perspective) from the Dutch criminologist and philosopher Marc Schuilenburg. The reviewer characterises the book as ‘courageous’ because of its multidisciplinary approach of the phenomenon ‘public private partnerships’ (ppp’s) in security, its rupture with solidified thinking and its use of empirical studies to show what really happens in the workplace of ppp’s. The reviewer welcomes the application of concepts of the French philosophers Foucault, Deleuze and Tarde, but feels at the same time that the author could have done more to explain their thinking. Also he disagrees with the author about the role of the state in security governance, which is according to the reviewer much more dominant than suggested in this book.

This article presents an overview of various measures, initiatives and developments regarding to the fight against discrimination in the Netherlands since 1971. It also gives a short overview of relevant international treaties on discrimination and the obligations for the parties involved. The political and societal attention for combating discrimination has decreased in recent years. There is a tendency to deny that discrimination is a real problem. Also the tone of voice in the public debate on integration of ethnic minorities has hardened. Nowadays, antidiscrimination policies and initiatives take place at the local level and state involvement is limited to facilitating support. The registration of discrimination complaints continues to be a problem and minor progress has been made in the last twenty years.

Public attitude towards police intervention has changed in the last twenty years or so, as a result of more general changes in society towards figures and institutions of authority. From the 1970s onward, we have witnessed a change from an authoritarian ‘command household’ to a ‘household of negotiation’ in which parties mutually exchange views and reasons. Since the 1990s however, unanticipated consequences of this emancipatory movement are becoming apparent, most importantly the inability of citizens to always live up to this emancipatory responsibility. And more importantly, a generally shared sense that we are overburdened by this responsibility, and thus cannot reasonably be expected to act according to emancipatory norms. This creates a new kind of problem or challenge for the police. Appeals to the emancipatory responsibility of the public, or entering into dialogue with offenders and bystanders, are not as effective as before. Both police and public are therefore in search of a new kind of authority that is responsive to the emancipatory ‘fatigue’ increasingly experienced by citizens.

Fifty three shades of grey refers to the radical transformation of policing and security in society from a traditional public – and foremost ‘blue’ – police system into a hybrid(semi)public and private policing system which is losing its dominant – and visible – blue character. Using the criminological concepts ‘police as an institute’ and ‘policing as a process’ the ongoing blurring of boundaries between different public and private organisations is discussed in the context of the proliferation of different forms of multi-agency cooperation. Whereas in the traditional discourse of the public police system a strong tradition of analysing the democratic nature of policing exists, in the public and scientific perception of the new, variegated police constellation such notions are still lacking, which contributes to the relative lack of political control, the defective democratic accountability and fragile human rights in the grey areas. The public discourse on the police remains too narrowly focused on the public police system. ‘Normal science’ of policing needs to break away from ‘police as an institute’ to incorporate new research questions and new concepts regarding ‘policing as a process’.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) changed from a private problem to a public concern over the last decades. It has become subject of various discourses in different domains. In the social sciences the gender-based discriminatory nature of IPV is contested by some researchers who claim a gender equality in IPV. They call for a gender-neutral approach to IPV as a family problem, de-contextualized from gender-based inequalities. In the Netherlands this degendering is reflected in current policy discourse. However, in the international legal human rights domain, IPV is unequivocally considered to be an issue that affects women disproportionately as a form of women's discrimination that is the result of unequal power relations. Both international binding human rights law and recent ruling of the ECHR impose binding duties to acknowledge this. This article addresses the paradox that is reflected in these two positions and how to get beyond it.

This article focuses on a phenomenon often called ‘function creep’. This is the process whereby new functions are added to systems that are basically intended for other purposes, or when systems or data originally intended for function A are linked to other systems or data having function B. New technical possibilities have definitely paved the way for function creep and a growing number of ICT-applications appear no longer limited to the purpose for which they were originally set up. Function creep is an inherent feature of innovation. But at the same time it poses risks if considered from a privacy perspective. After detailing many examples of function creep, the article elaborates on a potential risk not often discussed: loss of data quality. The analysis concludes in arguing that citizens can act as a crucial countervailing power to limit the expansion of function creep. This however requires that governments are more open and accountable to allow for a transparent and verifiable comparison between the interests at stake.

Intervention teams are among the most discussed tools in the current process of securitisation. Their integrated approach takes into account all underlying causes of insecurity and quality of life. For a more effective approach authorities and organisations have to cooperate and let go of their mutual boundaries. But can the participants put aside their differences in perspectives and policies? This article discusses the goal of ‘ontkokering’ (‘decompartalisation’), this was done through a study of the practices of intervention team SIP in Amsterdam. On basis of thirteen interviews and observations the authors argue that there are three main mechanisms or ‘molar barriers’, which conserve the old structures in the integrated approach of the intervention team: ‘methodical robustness’, ‘institutional robustness’ and ‘financial robustness’.

This article offers an analysis of the side effects caused by the increased counterterrorism measures adapted in Dutch law and public policy after 9/11. Taking clues from Foucault's thinking on securitisation and Beck's risk society, it is argued that focus, referent subject and object of security measures and deployment of counterterrorism laws have shifted from the concrete individual to society and risk prevention as a whole (1), that this shift induces function creep (2) and a much quicker deployment of measures, resulting in an increasing suspect population (3). Rather than arguing against the legality and legitimacy of these measures, the authors analyse the epistemological shift in reasoning and unpack the various probabilistic arguments (as opposed to evidence-based arguments) behind the wave of securitisation after 9/11 - resulting in a lack of knowledge about, transparency and accountability of the generated side effects.