Since the mid-1980s American recipes for the fight against crime and nuisance are very popular amongst Dutch policymakers. The question posed in this article is why they rather look at the United States than at European countries far more comparable to the Netherlands. The authors answers this question by pointing at the popularity of neo-liberal recipes in general, an emotional historical bond marked by the time that New York was still called New Amsterdam and the liberation from Nazism in 1945, the (sometimes reluctant) acceptance of the US’ role as ‘the world’s policeman’ and a (mostly unspoken) belief that ‘bigger is better’. Next, the author draws some lessons from research on ‘how policy travels’: 1) crime policies are always in much wider social policies and idea(l)s; 2) if something ‘works’ in country A it doesn’t mean it also ‘works’ in country B; 3) policies are always adopted to national circumstances; 4) policymakers are particularly fond of simple messages and dislike nuances and criticism; 5) you can also look at the US in order to find out where ‘we’ don’t want to go; and 6) you most of all learn more about yourself if you look at other countries. The author concludes with a plea for critical cosmopolitanism and a decolonisation of criminology from national biases.

In policy development and academic research on urban problems such as poverty, disorder and crime, the United States has served as a model country for the Netherlands for years. This article analyses two Dutch policies in the field of neighbourhood safety that are strongly influenced by American policy. It specifically focuses on the efficacy and applicability of social interventions, i.e. approaches that appeal to residents’ active involvement in the improvement of public safety and quality of life: resident representation comities (I) and neighbourhood watch schemes (II). Available research into the two policy cases illustrates that the ‘hard’ science from the United States can often be complemented with more qualitative information from the Netherlands. American research can thus be used to support Dutch policy designs, provided that knowledge is fine-tuned and contextualised.

This article describes the long decline of crime rates in New York, as analysed by Franklin Zimring in his book The city that became safe (2012). The author discusses and analyses the processes involved in ‘lesson drawing’ and the ‘policy transfer’ from New York to the Netherlands. Issues that are further addressed include the opportunities of prevention and the enforcement of ‘hot crimes’.

This essay describes the most important recent events in the field of American drugs legislation covering the liberalization of cannabis policies in several states as well as the reduction of penalties for the possession of crack at the federal level. These developments are situated in a broader context of a complicated and big country with plenty of room for extreme moral views and a very punitive justice policy that targets Blacks and Latino’s much more than the white middle class. The disproportionate impact of the punitive drugs legislation is an important driving force behind the trend towards liberalization, next to the high costs of maintaining an overcrowded prison system.

This article introduces and evaluates three different specialty court programs that are being enacted in a large Texas county to locally fight the growing tide of unsustainably high incarceration rates that is sweeping the United States. The study provides a brief description of the general dilemma of the American criminal justice system that, as a result of the widespread fear of crime and a mainstream news arena that favors grossly simplistic sound-byte-compatible get-tough policies, has become so immensely punitive and overburdening on public budgets that it is de facto no longer sustainable and in desperate need of immediate change. Faced with a situation of political stalemate on state and federal levels, county judges in Texas and other states are taking it upon themselves to bring about change in their local jurisdictions. Through newly designed specialty courts models, they seek to divert special-needs offenders away from the default incarceration track. The article evaluates the overall effectiveness of these new sentencing alternatives and identifies specific areas that need further improvement.

This article focuses on the question whether Dutch policy makers and researchers ought to look more often to Scandinavia for inspiration and less to the West (UK and USA). Scandinavian countries are also influenced by Anglo-American ideas about crime and justice, but at the same time the number of incarcerated persons has not changed dramatically while recidivism rates are low. Dutch policy makers and researcher do sometimes look at initiatives and practices in Scandinavian countries, most often Sweden. Dutch society shares many similarities with the Scandinavian welfare states and therefore it should be natural – according to the author – to benefit more often from Scandinavian experiences. Some suggestions are discussed in the article.

The draft of the Dutch Whistleblower Protection Act that is currently discussed in Parliament can be regarded as an essential step forward in the protection of whistleblowers. However, it can be questioned if the Act will contribute in an optimal manner to the ideal of transparency and the fight against the abuse of power, which should be the main goal of the Act. The tasks and powers of the new House for Whistleblowers are rather unclear and they do not meet legal standards. The combination of advice and support to whistleblowers and independent research into major violations of integrity should be abolished.

As a result of the democratization of technology we now seem to live in an era of ‘Wiki-regulation’. Increasingly transparency is considered to be the universal solution to all sorts of problems. In line with this dominant viewpoint there has been a proliferation of whistleblower initiatives in recent years. A newly established Dutch initiative is Publeaks. Launched by a large number of Dutch media outlets and aimed at protecting whistleblowers, shedding light on wrongdoings and encouraging investigative journalism, Publeaks is a website ‘for people to leak documents to the media securely and anonymously’. In this opinionated article the authors propose three arguments against this particular form of whistleblowing: the protection against unfunded accusations, the negative side effects of ‘scandal overkill’, and the value of non-transparency.

The Advice Centre for Whistleblowers in the Netherlands (het Adviespunt Klokkenluiders) opened on 1 October 2012 and offers independent and confidential advice to (potential) whistleblowers. Even though the Advice Centre opened only recently, this article gives an overview of the findings of the Advice Centre up-to-date, because of its relevance for the public debate on whistleblowers. The article inter alia mentions the number of whistleblowers that needed advice from the Advice Centre, the sectors where they work(ed), the types of wrongdoing involved in the cases and it describes the questions and dilemmas of whistleblowers who approached the Advice Centre. The article also points out how the Advice Centre could help persons with raising their concern about possible wrongdoing or malpractice in the workplace.

The private member’s bill ‘Huis voor klokkenluiders’ is a step forward in the protection of whistleblowers in The Netherlands. However, adoption of the bill will not end the discussion about the protection of whistleblowers, because the bill has several flaws. The new ‘Huis’ has too many roles, the ‘Fonds’ provides the wrong incentives, and whistleblowers who go straight to the relevant authorities are not protected. Therefore, the next step should be a general Whistleblowing Protection Act, which provides legal protection, both to public and private employees who report serious organizational deviances to the relevant authorities and who, in doing so, have acted with due care. Enforcement of the Act, including the award of compensation, should be provided by the industrial law courts and not by a ‘Huis’ or a ‘Fonds’.

Whistleblowing and whistleblowers have received a lot of attention over the last decade, not just in popular discourse, also in academic research. So by now we know a lot about ‘the’ whistleblower; internal reporting procedures received less attention. That is remarkable, because from previous research we know that by far most reports of wrongdoing are (first) reported internally. Reporting in line seems the most logical step for most observations, but how well are Dutch public managers handling these reports, and what are the experiences of and with so-called confidential integrity advisors? The authors’ main research question is: How does the internal reporting system function in the public sector, and what improvements are possible? Here the authors answer these questions based on a survey conducted among Dutch civil servants, which was filled out by 7,543 respondents and on 25 in-depth interviews with confidential integrity officers.

National governments have adopted a variety of approaches to the protection of whistleblowers. This article refers to examples in Slovenia, the United Kingdom and the United States of America, and ongoing work in Ireland, the Netherlands and Serbia. It is not always clear what would count as success, but none of the existing laws appears to have wholly achieved its aims. The Council of Europe aims to establish some common ground in Europe by drafting a Recommendation which will establish principles on which Member States should draft laws and establish systems. This article considers the work done so far on the draft Recommendation, discusses some of the most important and problematic aspects, and suggests improvements.