In the traditional understanding of police culture as well as in the criticism against the use of the concept of ‘police culture’, not much attention has been paid towards the influence of the representation of police work and crime in the media. Although since the pioneering studies in the sixties and seventies of the last century it has been made clear that police work is not limited to dealing with crime and criminal justice, the mass media for decades have presented a completely different image: one of thrill seeking and hardcore action. Police officers themselves tend to ‘sensationalize’ their work. Police culture is no longer understood as a deterministic coping mechanism, but is rooted in active and constructive participation of police officers. As a consequence we must pay attention to representation of ‘the police’ by the media and ask ourselves how identity work by police officers is influenced by the representation of crime and the police in the (new) media.

This article argues that the notion of norm images does more justice to the complexity of the police organization. The notion of ‘police culture’ is heavily criticized for its homogenizing tendencies, monolithic connotations and stereotypical and negative evaluation of police work. Norm images have an analytical value, because (1) the images are contextualized within and connected to the rule of law, (2) the images are sufficiently analytically flexible for a situational and relational interpretation of the cultural processes within the police organization, and (3) the notion theoretically presupposes the resistance strategies of social actors against the norm images. The article illustrates the theoretical value of norm images by focusing on the dominant images of the ‘trustworthy’, ‘neutral’ and ‘loyal’ police officer.

On September 21th 2012, a sweet sixteen party in Haren (a Dutch village), announced on Facebook as PROJECT X Haren, turned into a riot in which youngsters clashed with the police. The blame was put on the film Project X (2012) that would have inspired adolescents to become aggressive and violent. However, like other adolescent comedies, this movie offers an insight in the adolescent state of mind, the role of humor and their lack of risk assessments. Much violence is (harmless) slapstick-like, boundaries are exceeded (sex, alcohol, drugs) and transgression is often directed against parents, teachers and the police. What is tested in the adolescent imagination is the public order. Film functions as a symbolic rite of passage, with carnivalesque inversions. Reacting in Haren on this adolescent state of mind with an administrative prohibition (‘there is no party’) confirmed the juvenile joke. Acting as if it is not a party but a huge disaster (by enlarging police forces) contributed to make the riot a reality that the youngsters themselves never imagined. The commission of inquiry recommends taking serious film and other forms of public imagination, because they contribute to our understanding of reality, especially concerning the perceptions of societal actors.

An explicit goal in the Dutch victim policy is to offer protection to victims of crime. Based on a EU Directive all member states shall ensure that victims receive a timely and individual assessment, to identify specific protection needs. In this paper the question is: which victims especially do need protection? More specific, it examines whether the victim-offender relationship, controlling for the confounders ‘type of crime’ and ‘gender of the victim’, contributes to the extent in which protection is a reason for reporting crimes to the police. For victims of domestic violence (by partners, ex-partners and (other) family members), the need for protection is an important reason for reporting – not just for women and girls, but also for men and boys. The need for protection is an important reason for reporting for victims by partners, ex-partners and (other) family members of non-violent as well as violent crimes.