In the Netherlands ‘Safety Houses’ have been established, in which partner organizations in the field of criminal justice, crime prevention, law enforcement, public administration and social services collaborate in order to reduce crime and recidivism, and to increase public safety. This article examines why some Safety Houses are better in achieving these goals than others. The effectiveness of 39 Safety Houses is analyzed by means of QCA (qualitative comparative analysis). Results show two different paths leading to effective outcomes. Effective Safety Houses have been in existence for at least three years, show a high degree of stability and a centrally integrated collaboration structure. In addition, they either have considerable resources at their disposal or have been set up with a network administrative organization, where a neutral coordinator governs the network.

By pointing to the immense use of Twitter by citizens during crises, communication experts argue that governments should participate more actively on Twitter during crises. Until now, however, little empirical research has been conducted to validate this claim. This article aims at validating this claim and putting forward building blocks for an evidence-based vision on the use of Twitter by governments during flash crises, i.e. large-scale incidents that occur unexpectedly and immediately. The authors analysed 52.806 tweets sent by citizens and governments during a large-scale industrial fire in Moerdijk (2011). They looked at the content of the tweets and sorted them into fourteen categories. The results show that most of the tweets sent by citizens contained no new or relevant information for governments. In addition, the tweets sent by governments were totally ‘snowed under’ in the huge stream of tweets from citizens. Consequently, the tweets sent by governments were very little re-tweeted by Twitter users. The authors conclude that the Moerdijk case does not show a need for a more proactive role of governments on Twitter.

Based on state-of-the-art scientific knowledge, this article reviews the physical aspects of firefighting in relation to physical safety. Firefighting is known to be one of the most demanding occupations. Based on the ‘Occupational Demands Model’ the (physical) strain of firefighting is described. The physical demands of firefighting are determined by a combination of firefighting-specific efforts, the use of personal protective equipment and enviromental and climatological conditions. The effects on the firefighter depend on his/her health and fitness status as well as on his/her hydration and nutrition status and influences the repressive job performance. If the demands and the effects are not in balance, personal safety, health and effectivity of the firefighter’s deployment are in jeopardy and hence his/her physical safety. In the second part of the paper, the relationship between the physical demands of firefighting and health, fitness and deployability of firefighters are described. Finally, a method of maintaining deployability prior to, during and post firefighting activities or training through active recovery is described to improve the preparedness of the individual firefighter.

Graffiti has been linked in empirical studies to disorder, fear of crime, avoidance behavior, vandalism and delinquency. In most of those studies, graffiti is treated as an abstract and uniform concept: no distinctions are made between one graffiti or another. Policies based on this assumption hold a zero tolerance approach, meaning all graffiti is deemed undesirable and is or should be removed. This has been criticized by several (theoretical) studies. On the other hand however, ethnographic studies present graffiti as a multifaceted phenomenon, serving as a means of communication, resistance and protest or as an art form. The current study investigates the assumption that graffiti is perceived as a homogeneous and undesirable environmental feature. This article examines whether graffiti is actually perceived uniformly by Dutch citizens, and if not how people distinguish between different graffiti; which types of graffiti are perceived as disorder and whether different types of people exist based on their attitudes towards graffiti. An extensive questionnaire was designed, based on a thorough analysis of the literature and empirical pilot studies. A nationally representative sample responded to general questions with respect to graffiti and judged eighteen specific examples of graffiti on a reliable scale that measured perceived disorder. Results indicate that people vary enormously in their ideas and attitudes. Also, not every graffiti is the same, meaning graffiti is not a homogeneous, uniform phenomenon. Both type of graffiti and the location on which the graffiti is situated relate to the degree of perceived disorder. For example, tags, small scribbles, were considered a public nuisance more than pieces, large colorful images. Also, graffiti on a house or car is perceived much more as disorder than graffiti in a skatepark. The diversity in views necessitates a normative

People vary in their perceptions and opinions, and that seems to be the case for the way they perceive anti-social behavior too. Scientific literature concerning the fear of crime hypothesizes diversity in the public’s perception of anti-social behavior and crime. But this fear of crime research tradition has been criticized repeatedly for its conceptual and methodological arrears. The focus has particularly been narrowed to ‘fear’ of ‘crime’, being measured by surveys. So, it is not very surprising that there has not been a thorough empirical focus on the assumed diversity in the perception of crime and anti-social behavior. To fill in this gap, the main research question in this article is: which differences in the perception of anti-social behavior exist within contemporary Dutch society? Using Q-methodology, five different factors were found in the perception of anti-social behavior. These factors have been labeled respectively: ‘disaffected residents’, ‘untroubled liberals’, ‘anxious communitarians’, ‘concerned spectators’ and ‘non-averse professionals’. These factors showed the empirical reality of the assumed diversity in the public perception of anti-social behavior. In all of these factors, people seem to address crime and anti-social behavior to a decrease of social standards and values in Dutch society, instead of worrying about chances and consequences of personal victimization. This was even the case for people who signalized crime and anti-social behavior in their own neighborhood. What really stands out is that people strongly agreed about the unacceptability of crime and anti-social behavior. People seem to have an aversion against these rude types of behavior. Altogether this image does not comply to the mainstream image of a ‘crime fearing society’. People do not seem to fear crime, but they seem to be worried and agitated about the moral conditions of the Dutch society in a wider framework. This might be a more reassuring illustration than a ‘crime fearing society’, but this proposition needs further and additional quantitative assessment.

Human trafficking means exploitation; human smuggling is associated with illegal labour and a connection with exploitation is absent. Where a victim of human trafficking can appeal for legal protection, a smuggled migrant (illegally residing or with vulnerable legal status) overall has little rights because of the formal absence of the aspects of exploitation and coercion in human smuggling. In this article, the empirical analysis based on file analysis demonstrates that in several files of cases framed as human smuggling indications are found for exploitation of migrants, although this has not been recognised as such. Theoretically the authors tie this to the trend of crimmigration. Measures designed to combat human trafficking and smuggling are often concentrated on (criminal) law enforcement and criminal punishment, to the detriment of a human rights-based approach. The tension between immigration policy and the combat against human trafficking deserves more attention.

In the Netherlands whistle-blowing regulations are still unbalanced and ineffective in the protection of whistle-blowers and the prevention of misconduct at work. This article focuses on the question how whistle-blowing behaviour is influenced by the type and severity of the wrongdoing. The study also examines to whom employees would report (internally and/or externally), if they would report anonymously, and why they would do that or not. As far as the authors know, this is one of the first studies on whistle-blowing behaviour that systematically investigates the characteristics of the wrongdoing by using vignettes. In a two by two design, two kinds of wrongdoing (safety problem or embezzlement) at two levels of severity are plotted against each other. When confronted with severe wrongdoing, respondents intend to blow the whistle more often (externally) than with mild wrongdoing. Of the four cases, the difference between mild and severe embezzlement is most pronounced. Internally, a difference is found between the vignettes in reporting anonymously. Most respondents prefer to report to their direct supervisor, especially when a mild safety problem occurs. With severe embezzlement however, respondents prefer to report to a confidential adviser within the company. Outside the company, reporting to one’s trade union is most popular. Nearly all respondents would only report externally after an internal report has not yielded any results, or they would not report outside the company at all. They often argue that it is an internal problem and that the company could be harmed if the wrongdoing would be disclosed. This argument is used in all vignettes. Anonymity is still considered important by the majority of the respondents. It is recommended in this article that policymakers specify whistle-blowing regulations that are adaptable to the specific characteristics of the wrongdoing and the reporting employee(s).

This article discusses the results of a Dutch study that focuses specifically on victimization of various forms of cybercrimes among civilians. The survey addresses the cybercrimes hacking, fraud through selling and auction websites, identity theft and fraud and advanced fee fraud. The results are based on a validated questionnaire which was posted amongst a representative sample of 21,800 citizens, the response rate was 10,314 (47 per cent). In this article of each of these cybercrimes the prevalence is shown. Concerning prevalence, the victim survey shows that in the twelve months preceding the survey 4.3 percent of all Internet users were victims of hacking, 2.4 percent were victims of online scams (by paying for a good or service but not receiving them), 0.8 percent were victims of identity fraud and 0.2 percent of advanced fee fraude. Of all victims, 11.9 percent was victim of more than one of the cybercrimes we studied for this article. If we compare this with figures of offline crime we see that in the Netherlands in 2010, 1 percent were victims of assault, 1.2 percent of burglary and 1.5 percent of sexual offenses. In comparison with these offline crimes, the cybercrimes in our study have significant numbers of victims. Among Internet users, we see that victims of hacking and fraud by auction or selling sites are more often youngsters than older people (for hacking 15 till 35 years in fraud 15 till 25 years), people without a partner are at higher risk than people with partners and people with indicated that their most recently completed education were low are more at risk than people with high education. Especially with the online fraud this is remarkable, because it appears that people who make the most purchases over the Internet are higher educated and mostly in 25 till 45 years old.

Analysing large amounts of data goes to the heart of the challenges confronting intelligence and law enforcement professionals today. Increasingly, this involves Internet data that are ‘open source’ or ‘publicly available’. Projects such as the European FP7 VIRTUOSO aim at developing platforms for open-source intelligence by law enforcement and public security, which open up opportunities for large-scale, automated data gathering and analysis. However, the mere fact that data are publicly available does not imply an absence of restrictions to researching them. This paper investigates one area of legal constraints, namely Dutch criminal-procedure law in relation to open-source data gathering by the police. Which legal basis is there for this activity? And under what conditions can foreign open sources be investigated?
After sketching the context of the VIRTUOSO project and legal constraints of open-source intelligence in general, this paper discusses provisions of the Dutch Police Act 1993 and the Code of Criminal Procedure to determine which is the correct legal basis for gathering data from openly accessible and semi-open sources. Next, cross-border gathering of data is discussed on the basis of article 32 of the Cybercrime Convention. The paper draws the conclusion that investigating open sources by the police will often go beyond what is allowed on the basis of the general task description of the police (art. 2 Police Act 1993); hence, an order from the Public Prosecutor for systematic observation or intelligence is required. Moreover, the tools used must meet the non-manipulability and auditing requirements of the Dutch Decree on Technical Devices in Criminal Procedure.

Since November 2009, the regional police of Groningen facilitated their community officers with Twitter. According to the principles of community policing, they are enabled to shorten the distance between the police and citizens by giving them a direct connection. Such a connection should stimulate interaction, while at the same time it should make people feel more safe. In addition, Twitter also creates possibilities for the police to be transparent. Sharing of information should alter citizens’ perception towards the police.
A comparison has been made, by using an online questionnaire, between followers and two kinds of non-followers. The effects of following twittering community officers have been demonstrated by using statistical analyses, taking into account relevant control variables. On the basis of these analyses it has been demonstrated that following a twittering community officer did not positively or negatively alter the perception of safety of their followers. However, an enhanced information position has made followers much more aware of local disorder and crime. Thanks to shared information about police actions to sustain and improve local safety and livability, followers’ perception of safety has not been altered negatively.
Followers’ perception towards the police organization has been positively altered, thanks to the twittering community officers. Especially the sharing of information and involving citizens into local policing helps the police to alter the perception of citizens towards their organization. In addition, it has been shown that followers’ willingness to report has been improved. Thanks to the ease of use of Twitter and the shortened distance between the police and citizens, followers do frequently contact the police or a community officer to share some information, or to report some crime or disorder. However, it has been shown that Twitter should just be presented as complementary to existing ways to contact the police.

Virtual reality is increasingly used in our society. Also in the field of physical safety this technique is applied. In this article we give an overview of virtual reality applications that are used in the Netherlands in this domain. This overview is divided into the five phases of the integrated emergency management system of the Netherlands. Based on international studies from other fields we try to indicate where in the near future virtual reality also can be used.
Conclusion of this article is that virtual reality already plays an important role in the physical safety domain, especially because this technique can support the learning ability of the safety organizations in many areas. Because of constant innovation (in technique and application) that takes place, it is expected that in the future even more virtual reality applications in the field of physical safety are possible.

This article describes the findings of a national representative survey on online victimization. The survey was conducted in the Netherlands in 2011 amongst youth aged 10 to 18. Purpose of this research is to identify various risk factors related to cyber bullying, online sexual activities and online financial crime (e.g. e-fraude and commercial deceit). More than 9 percent of the youths had negative experiences with cyber bullying, about 5 percent with e-fraude and over 11 percent with commercial deceit. Also unwanted online sexual solicitations (6%) and unwanted exposure to sexually explicit internet material (12%) occurred with some regularity.
This research complements earlier research on youth victimization in two important respects. First, we paid explicit attention to determine whether the youngster experienced the online incident as negative, neutral or positive. Our strategy to address negative experiences ensures the identification of actual victims. Secondly, we made it possible to identify and compare risk factors on various types of online crime. Girls are more likely to be cyber bullied, to receive unwanted sexual solicitations and to be unwantedly exposed to online pornography, whilst boys are more at risk to be commercially deceived or scammed.
Internet use and behaviour are significant risk factors to comprehend online victimization. Above average use of instant messaging and clicking on (advertising) hyperlinks without restraint, are important predictors for online victimization. Finally, online disinhibition - a loosening of social restrictions during interactions with others on the Internet - and low self-control, turn out to be significant risk factors.
It is difficult to accept certain risks, especially when youth are involved. However, children have to learn themselves to assess risks, to deal with them and to learn from them. It is important youths built up resilience to adequately react on negative online incidents and to reduce online vulnerability.

This article is based on a research in which we are looking for exemplary urban professionals who seem to be successful in pursuing the social goals they set together with their partners. In urban disadvantaged neighbourhoods, it is not always the standard procedure that gets things done. In the Netherlands decades of urban renewal in its various forms have not solved problems permanently. This does not mean that success is never attained. What seems to have helped in some cases is the presence of a type of practitioner who goes beyond standard procedure. These are professionals, as the ‘casting cop’ we introduce in this article, who do not give up and who are able to succeed where others have failed. Most likely these are experienced practitioners who learned how to cope. Most likely they are actors who inspire others.What we ask is how these practitioners in urban districts do their job in controversial, politically sensitive policy processes that might develop in unintended and surprising ways. In other words we have as a central question: through what ways of working and relating do exemplary urban practitioner (try to) get things done?The professionals we call exemplary are not always taking the common routes to realize their goals. They will not automatically follow the routines of problem solving and because of that they can make a difference. They are critical about mainstream practices and try to find solutions starting from the perspectives of citizens. When we talk about ‘ways of working and relating’ we refer to the qualities these professionals put to use in the planning and decision making processes of urban renewal. It has to do with personal qualities like attitude and experience, but also with strategic skills such as networking with policy partners. ‘Getting things done’ means solving problems or better stated exploiting opportunities. More broadly is their aim to transform what is called ‘urban problem districts’ into ‘livable neighborhoods’.

On January 1, 2009 the Temporary Restraining Order Act entered into force allowing mayors to impose a ten-day restraining order on potential perpetrators of domestic violence. This restraining order, which may be extended to 28 days, prohibits the perpetrator from entering his or her house as well as from contacting the persons staying behind in the home (partner, children, or other members of the household). In order to impose a temporary restraining order, risk factors relating to the perpetrator, the incident, and the family have to be assessed using a domestic violence risk assessment tool (RiHG).The immediate cause to introduce the Act was to enable mayors to take action in situations that, before, would not have given police just cause to intervene because no offences had (yet) been committed. However, evaluations show that temporary restraining orders are mainly imposed in conjunction with criminal proceedings. Yet, researchers suggest that the temporary restraining order may be imposed as a truly preventive measure in a large amount of situations that until now have not been considered (for instance, situations that have not escalated into physical violence). This article examines whether such preventive restraining orders exist within a sample of imposed orders and if so, what characteristics they share.Results show that truly preventive restraining orders are extremely rare. Closer inspection of cases that according to the available risk assessment were not notably violent showed that most of these cases could not be regarded as cases of truly preventive restraining orders. The discussion of the article focuses on the implications of these results for the suggestion that a large number of situations could be suitable for imposing a preventive restraining order.

A number of authors claim that the Dutch government is using the words safety and security more often and more broadly. In this article we show that this is partly true. By studying the usage of the word safety in the Dutch queen’s speeches, we see that especially from 1999 onwards the speeches do contain more references to safety and security issues. Moreover, more and more topics are defined as a safety and security issue. However, this same study shows that a decline in the use of the words safety and security can be discerned from 2006 onwards. Ideas to understand these fluctuations are presented at the end of the article.