Restrictions imposed by the state on the exercise of religion are always the result of a weighing of interests by a judge, an administrative body or a legislator. This weighing of interests is strongly influenced by the context within the exercise of religion take place. In this article four different spheres are distinguished: the internal religious sphere, the public sphere, the sphere of private institutions and the government sphere. The particular relationship that these spheres have with neutrality characterizes the balancing of interests. This explains and justifies why wearing religious clothing may be restricted in some situations and not in others.

The notion of ‘sharia in the West’ is by now fairly well established, both in social, political and scientific circles, but both the terms ‘sharia’ and ‘West’ remain difficult to define. It is therefore striking that the combination of these two terms is used with such self-evidence. This article wants to answer the question: what exactly is the sharia that Western Muslims arguably want, and how is this sharia received in the West? To this end, a model is presented that provides a description of the complex interaction between sharia as practiced by Western Muslims on the one hand, and the conditions that the Western environment sets for it on the other. The model shows that ‘sharia’ cannot be compared to a law system, and that the Western environment has a major influence on the extent and ways in which Muslims apply sharia. From a Western perspective, the model shows that sharia issues are mainly discussed in legal terms, while most controversies are not of a legal nature, but rather a cultural one.

In the ruling on Lachiri/Belgium, commentators discern a new development in the ECHR’s jurisprudence on the relationship between the headscarf and freedom of religion. According to the author, that is not the case: in fact, he observes a continued bias of the Court towards the headscarf.

Belgian Law mentions professional secrecy at different places. In recent years, professional secrecy has been nuanced or even eroded. It remains, however, an important item for certain professional groups, for some perhaps a privilege, for others a burden. Enough indications exist that ministers of the Protestant-Evangelical religion (pastors), even though they are not bound by priest-penitent privilege, are bound by professional secrecy. This makes it necessary to have a clear definition of ‘pastors’. Due to the relative ignorance about Protestantism in Belgium, this has taken some time. The article ends with the discussion of some practical aspects of the professional secrecy of pastors.

The Dutch social-liberal party D66 was founded in 1966, in the aftermath of the pillarisation (on religious grounds) of Dutch society. The founders of D66 wanted to ‘blow up’ the pillarised political system. They strongly took distance from religions that were in their views oppressing. A certain anti-religion attitude was a part of the DNA of the party. For decades it was ‘bon ton’ to criticise religion. A turning point has recently been observed by the writer. There is still a discomfort in relation to religion, but this discomfort is more related to not-knowing than being against. The writer pleads for going beyond the discomfort. Religion – in the broad sense of the word – has a lot to offer to society. We indeed can’t live without binding stories, places that are loaded with meaning and festivities that reminds ourselves of who we are and who we would want to be. Finally the modernity and religion can strengthen each other: where modernity is skilled in criticising religion, the Christian religion can make a contribution by criticising modernity.

The decision of the Court that Muslims from the Greek province of West Thrace can choose in matters of family law between civil or Islamic law, is not surprising. However, much can be said about the way in which the Court came to that conclusion. Because in doing so it uses principles and considerations that show a lack of insight in the status and functioning of a unique legal system, namely that of interpersonal law, or the coexistence on equal basis of several family laws. Similarly, the Court seems biased towards Islamic family law, which it consistently refers to as ‘sharia’. A critical discussion of this judgment is therefore appropriate.

Invoking the fundamental social right to assistance does not prevent the CRvB from also applying the traditional fundamental right to freedom of religion. This approach is in line with the current case-law of the ECHR. This also applies to the more subjective explanation of religion used by the CRvB. This can be justified by the doctrine of interpretative restraint and the importance of self-definition. In the light of these principles, it is unclear why the CRvB makes a distinction in the level of protection of different religious expressions when weighing up interests in the context of article 9 ECHR

Currently the Netherlands count 44 Hindu temples. Most of them are arranged in converted school buildings, shops and other edifices not meant to be used as a Hindu house of worship. In 2000 the first purpose-built Hindu temple was constructed, and after that date five other purpose-built prayer houses of Hindu background were built. This article analyses the interaction between the initiators and the representatives of the local governments in the process between the first plans and the ultimate result. It will become clear that the various municipalities acted differently in the implementation of the national and local regulations concerning building religious prayer houses. The people initiating the construction of these buildings also operated variously.

The Nashville declaration, which espouses an orthodox Biblical view on sexuality, caused considerable public upheaval upon the publication of its Dutch translation, early 2019. This contribution investigates the declaration and the discussion it engendered from a point of view of political and legal philosophy, addressing the typically modern preoccupation with the relation between identity, subjectivity, and sexuality. This modern self-perception is unravelled from a philosophical perspective derived from Hegel and Foucault. Some conclusions are drawn regarding the paradoxical nature of both the Nashville declaration and the discussion it occasioned.

The article examines and explains the relation of current Eastern Orthodox Theology to the concept of Human Rights. Putting the controversies into a larger historical and theological context, it seeks to highlight the conditions of a variety of Orthodox theological positions. Such positions, with their common features and strong differences, concern issues such as church and state, universalism or theological anthropology and human dignity. Considerations end with arguing, that much of the treasures of the Orthodox tradition still needs to be unearthed – to the benefit of Human Rights, and of all participants in current debates worldwide.

Unlike the common expectations, Islamic primary schools can contribute to the integration of Muslims in the Dutch society. This article is a reflection of Dr Beemsterboer’s doctoral research and asks what this conclusion can say about other religion based primary schools.

Extremism is a phenomenon that bothers various EU member states. It is difficult to define, and difficult to study. In this contribution we look at extremism from the perspective of the Dialogical Self Theory (DST). This theory is well-known in personality psychology. Recently is has got a development that could make it relevant for understanding, predicting and preventing extremism. The issue at stake is the relation between diversity, dialogue and democracy.

Buddhism has very specific ideas about an idealized form of government in Asia. These ideas may be ancient but they very often play a part in the background of politics up to modernity. Even within republics where religious monarchy has long since disappeared, a certain supernatural foundation on the basis of which a government functions may still be present. Opposition to a government can often imply resistance to a world order that is actually of supranatural origin. This article focuses on historical dimensions of this phenomenon (the position of the Buddha, the origin of the monarchy and Emperor Ashoka), but also on modern forms (Sri Lanka, Thailand and Myanmar). Concerning Myanmar, the recent developments around the Rohingyas are placed in a cultural perspective.

The Dutch approach of religious matters is still characterized by an approach that fits in the 19th century, not in the 21st. This approach considers religion as a private matter without taking into account the cultural dimension of religion. Such an approach is not keeping the pace of the development of religion in a post-secular world and it loses sight of the modern debate on religion elsewhere in Europe. In particular it tends to ignore the cultural value of Christianity by pointing at the deconfessionalization. The article focuses on the role the Christian narrative has in making visible the issue of power.

As a special employer, the church has an interest in shaping its own personnel policy in order to achieve the mission and objective. In part, the legislator has met this need. After all, various laws in the field of appointment, terms of employment and dismissal take account of the specific interests of the church as described before. The external border consists of fundamental human rights that are included in the ECHR and the European Directive on equal treatment. It is not always clear where the external border is exactly. The Dutch legislation regarding the battle of ‘church law’ and fundamental rights is not consistent. Moreover, there we notice a tension between national law and the European directive.

When we consider a ‘court’ a judicial institution recognized by the state that renders judgment based on law recognized by the state, then the only ‘sharia courts’ to be found in Europe are located in the eastern province of Greece. Their jurisdiction is limited to Islamic family law, but a recent case before the European Court of Human Rights has rekindled the discussion on the scope of this jurisdiction, and opened the discussion on the desirability of such courts in a European country. This article presents an analysis of this discussion, based on literature study and fieldwork in the region.

Islamic schools are often criticized for indoctrinating children, which would violate the goals of education in a democratic society. This article explores whether, as a matter of principle, parents could legitimately choose to send their child to a school where he or she will be indoctrinated, for example because they believe that at a religious schools the opportunities for a child to be stigmatized are smaller. Besides, the article investigates whether it is plausible that children in Islamic school in the Netherlands are indeed being indoctrinated.