Political parties in the Netherlands have been calling for a ban on Hizb ut-Tahrir for years. But what do we actually know about this movement, its supporters and how they relate to Dutch society? This article is one of the first attempts to paint a more complete picture. It shows that the movement and its supporters adhere strictly to the course of the (re) establishment of the caliphate that was mapped out by founder Taqiuddin al-Nabhani in the 1950s. However, the assumption that the movement would advocate or encourage the use of violence requires nuance. These insights are not ‘static’ or ‘comprehensive’ and should be seen as a contribution to the discussion of the nature of the movement. The question of how the course – ideas and activities – of Hizb ut-Tahrir relates to democratic society will be addressed in a subsequent article.

Buddhism has very specific ideas about an idealized form of government in Asia. These ideas may be ancient but they very often play a part in the background of politics up to modernity. Even within republics where religious monarchy has long since disappeared, a certain supernatural foundation on the basis of which a government functions may still be present. Opposition to a government can often imply resistance to a world order that is actually of supranatural origin. This article focuses on historical dimensions of this phenomenon (the position of the Buddha, the origin of the monarchy and Emperor Ashoka), but also on modern forms (Sri Lanka, Thailand and Myanmar). Concerning Myanmar, the recent developments around the Rohingyas are placed in a cultural perspective.

The Flemish Christian Democratic Party was founded in 1945. In its so-called ‘Kerstprogramma’ (‘Christmas Program’), the ‘Christelijke Volkspartij’ (Christian People’s Party, CVP) cut ties with the explicitly religious character of its direct predecessor, the Catholic Bloc. Nevertheless, the party remains to find its inspiration in Christianity. This article will discuss non-exhaustively how Christian values still remain an important guideline to the Christian democratic discourse of CD&V, based on three pillars rooted in Christianity: trust, love of one’s neighbour and respect for human dignity.

This article aims to give insight in negotiations which took place from 1999 to 2002 between diverse Protestant parties in Belgium and which resulted in an enlargement of the recognized Protestant religion. This enlargement primarily served free Evangelical churches, as it allowed them to share in the benefits consequent to official recognition by the state. The article describes their strategic choices in view of full state recognition and highlights the active role played by the ‘neutral’ Belgian state in the negotiations that took place concerning this recognized religion.

The article is a plea to reconsider the new impetus that the second Vatican council in the catholic church has brought about, and to give it shape in the ecclesiastical administration of the catholic church. After a period of strong renewal this movement seems to be evaporated in the Netherlands, whereas this council and the code of 1983 have a lot of opportunities to offer. On the basis of a number of concrete examples of administrative reforms that Pope Francis and some of the newly appointed bishops have realized, the author offers some concrete proposals.

This article analyses the relation between Islam, politics and citizenship. It analyses three currents within Islam: Salafism, Islamism, and modernism. The central argument is that most modern Islamic currents do not have a concept of politics as an independent ‘field’ where compromises can be made concerning societal problems. The only current that provide the space for a pluriform, open political debate is Islamic modernism. Through its humanism and the centrality of the common good and not the text, modernism embraces not only the concept of politics as free space but also the concept of active citizenship.

This article investigates the role of ‘implicit religion’ in extremism, including those forms that do not explicitly call upon formal religion. Extremist quasi-religious narratives expose an exclusionary logic, which is mirrored by radical ways of thinking about counter-extremism. This unfailingly leads to more polarization. Extremism can only be countered by radical openness. Resilient democracy requires that citizens, politicians and professionals are willing and able to maintain open hearts and minds. Implicit religion can support this. Spiritual counselors and scientists of religion need to support the creation of spiritual narratives and rituals that strengthen democratic resilience.

Islamic scripture provides no definition of the caliphate and the term ‘Islamic state’ was coined for the first time in 1941. Pakistan and Iran call themselves an ‘Islamic republic,’ and ISIS has named itself an ‘Islamic State’ headed by a caliph. For many Muslims the term represents an ideal of a society that is just, peaceful and prosperous. That looks more like a utopian dream. So what is this Islamic state exactly? In this article we will answer that question by means of three approaches: the tenets of Islam, the historical and modern reality, and the wishes of the modern Muslims.

Crematoria in the Netherlands develop from utility buildings to places where attention is paid to death rituals, commemoration and mourning. This trend is clearly visible in policy and subsequent activities of the Tilburg Crematorium (the Netherlands). This article describes this policy and positions it in the broader context of cultural and religious developments in the Netherlands.

The Roman Catholic Church experiences a transition from the highly centralized Church formation of Ultramontane Mass Catholicism into a more decentralized and pluralistic Choice Catholicism. With respect to governance, this transition concerns the increasing importance of the diocesan intermediate level in the Church on the one hand, and a transition from a union-oriented organization model into a network-oriented model on the other. The network model is catalyzed by the digitalization of daily life and its polycentrism. This contribution discusses these developments in a systematic way with the help of sociological and theological insights. By way of conclusion it summarizes some challenges from a policy and governmental point of view. They concern the ecclesial leadership style, membership and participation, catholicity, online community building, and self-presentation in the social media.

The article deals with an unknown chapter of the history of Muslims in the Netherlands in the interwar period. It follows the public debate about the construction of the first mosque in The Hague before the Second World War. The first initiative was made in 1929 by the Dutch convert to Islam Mohammed Ali van Beetem, who played a leading role among the Indonesian Muslim community in the Netherlands. After more than two decennia of debate and negotiations with the municipal authorities in The Hague, the first mosque was finally built by the Ahmadiyya-mission in 1955.

Religion-related stress is the product of a predominantly secular society in which people are confronted with diverse religious practices. The phenomenon occurs where public meets private. How can employers ensure compliance with conflicting religious and other commitments in the workplace? The concept of respectful pluralism as formulated by Douglas Hicks in his book Religion and the Workplace, may go a long way to negotiating a solution to the debate between conformity and diversity.

This is the second part of an analysis of the use of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the first part of which appeared in the previous issue of this Journal. This part sets off with a discussion of the use of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ in cases concerning the place of religion in education. Subsequently, a variety of cases is dealt with that challenge restrictions on religious liberty set by the state or restrictions by third parties tolerated by the state. Finally, this contribution offers an overarching reflection on the use by the ECtHR of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ in its case law. It concludes that this qualification, which has no explicit treaty basis, is an inadequate standard for use at the international level and that the ECtHR itself is hardly ‘neutral’ in its application of the standard.

Since 2001 the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) regularly applies the normative characterization of the state as a ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ in its cases. This qualification has no explicit basis in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Where does it come from, how does the ECtHR understand this, in which type of cases does the ECtHR use it and with which result? This essay analyses the use of this qualification by the ECtHR and aims to provide an answer to these questions. It asserts that the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organiser of religions’ is an inadequate standard and examines wether it may harbor other normative dimensions that are important in the relation between state and religion. After introducing the first case in which the ECtHR used this qualification, the first part deals with cases concerning conflicts within and between churches, equal treatment of religious groups in multi-tiered church and state systems, and pupils in public schools wearing religious garb. The second part will appear in the next issue of this Journal and continues with an analysis of cases concerning the place of religion in education, and various alleged interferences of religious liberty. It concludes with a reflection on the use by the ECtHR of the qualification of the state as ‘neutral and impartial organizer of religious’.

The authors endeavour to provide new insights on the continuing Dutch debate on ‘immigration’, ‘integration’, and the assumed clash between Islam and Dutch norms, values, and culture. The late Lebanese ayatollah Fadlallah (1935-2010) specifically addressed the Dutch situation in 2005-2010. The article is based on interviews with him, his Dutch followers, and literary sources. It demonstrates that Fadlallah and his followers hold liberal views on contentious issues such as women’s rights, veiling, integration, and condemn violence and terrorism as exemplified by 9/11. On these grounds, the authors question the supposed incompatibility between Islam and integration, arguing that the precepts of practice cast doubt on the validity of such a contention.

Governmental authorities have to deal with religion on a daily basis: via individual citizens or religious organisations, in the framework of subsidy applications or measures against the radicalisation of believers. More than a year after publication of ‘Religion and the public domain, guidelines for municipalities’, a joint production of the Association of the Netherlands Municipalities and the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom relations, we discuss the room for cooperation between the government and religious organisations within the limits of the principle of separation between church and state. Both the legal framework and practical examples from different municipalities will be brought up. Three rules (of play) are exemplified in particular, namely that contacts between government and religious organisations or parties on an ideological basis do not lead to a substantive involvement with the faith itself, or with internal church matters, that the contacts serve to realise non-faith related public goals and that the government is held tot treat religious organisations or parties on an ideological basis equally. Having regard to those rules (of play) cooperation is very well possible.