The introduction in the Netherlands of the SOV measure in 2001, followed by the ISD Order in 2004, opened the opportunity for the courts to incarcerate systematic offenders, mostly addicts, for a period of two years. During the period of imprisonment convicted are offered various programs to kick their habits and tackle their other problems. The article assesses the social costs and benefits of the SOV/ISD measure. The analysis takes account of the improvement in general health and productivity of the participants, and models the crime reduction effects through special prevention, incapacitation and general deterrence. Substituting results from the first effectiveness study of the SOV program, which by the way only covers one follow-up year, it is calculated that the SOV/ISD measure may yield a positive net result of as much as € 4 million per participant.

This paper focuses on how organized crime in Bulgaria uses political corruption to achieve its goals. It focuses, though, on one specific type of criminal structures, the ones controlled by former security officers. More specifically it analyzes the criminal careers of two well known Bulgarian crime figures and former security officers. The way they use the instrument of corruption changes though the years when they evolve from relatively unimportant racketeers into powerful local oligarchs.

Academic perceptions of litigation rates are dispersed: they vary from observations of a ‘litigation explosion’ to empirical accounts of ‘vanishing trials’. In this article the authors study whether civil trials are increasing or vanishing in the Netherlands. To find out, the authors studied trends in the number of civil cases in the Dutch courts. First, they observed developments in the filings as well as the dispositions of civil cases over the past 25 years, taking into account the trial-likeness of the procedures. Second, they put the Dutch figures - including other indicators of legal activity - in a European perspective. The findings show that the number of court cases in the Netherlands is on the rise. This does not automatically imply, however, that the Netherlands are a highly litigious society. ‘Light’ versions of trials are predominant, as is efficiency in the management of cases. Moreover, the number of lawyers and judges is rather small compared to other European countries.

In 1954 the Statute of the Kingdom of the Netherlands came into force. This document can be seen as an internal Treaty between the Netherlands (as a country in Europe) and its former colonies. Nowadays three countries are (internal) partners in the Kingdom of the Netherlands: the Netherlands, Aruba and the Netherlands Antilles. In 2005 new negotiations have begun for a new (internal) structure of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Netherlands Antilles will cease to be a country in the Kingdom and will be divided into two new countries Curaçao and Sint Maarten. The other remaining (small) islands Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba will be part of the territory of the Netherlands as specific judicial bodies as meant in article 134 Dutch Constitution. A huge diplomatic and judicial procedure has started. Although it is not certain yet, in 2009 it looks as though these plans and procedures will be realized in the very near future.

In the CEPEJ report litigious divorce cases are selected for additional analysis to get a better understanding of the workload of the courts in Europe and to compare the figures in a more reliable manner.

The report presents the number of litigious divorce cases and the average length of litigious divorce proceedings. This article shows the variety of divorce legislation in European countries and concludes that the figures about divorce cases and length of procedures cannot be used as an indicator for the efficiency of justice in those countries. Furthermore the article presents some detailed information about Dutch divorce cases and shows that the figures presented in the CEPEJ report are incorrect. To get a better understanding of the quality of divorce procedures, the pros and cons of different systems should be investigated.

Charles Kindleberger unravelled the anatomy of a typical financial crisis in his famous book Manias, panics and crashes (1978). He stresses that during a boom the tendency to swindle and be swindled runs parallel to the tendency to speculate. In this article five famous and non-famous swindles over the past ninety years are analyzed. Each financial boom, and each financial crisis during this period of modern capitalism experienced at least one famous financial swindle, which is to be seen as typical for the boom and the subsequent deception. The five swindlers described are Charles (Carlo) Ponzi in the 1920s, Ivar Krueger around 1930, Bernie Cornfeld in the 1960s/1970s, Michael Milken in the 1980s and - very recently - Bernard Madoff. His 65 billion dollar fraud is to be seen as the first worldwide Ponzi scheme - a fraud that lasted longer, reached wider and cut deeper than any similar scheme in history. An analysis of these five cases yields several striking similarities. It is concluded that financial swindles are no random events, but the result of both structural changes and circular waves of economic and financial boom and bust.

Like surfers, legislators … who wish to change everyday social norms must wait for signs of a rising cultural support, catching it at just the right time... (Kagan and Skolnick 1993: 85) The empirical study of the relation between the way a law comes into being and its effectiveness in practice is an underdeveloped subject in the sociology of law. In this article this relation is studied with respect to smoking bans in the Netherlands. The focus is on private companies in general, with special attention for Dutch cafés, bars, hotels and restaurants (where such a ban was recently introduced). Dutch smoking bans in private establishments were only enacted after the government was convinced of public support and after a period of selfregulation. This proved to be a good preparation. The general picture of the relation between the emergence and the effectiveness of smoking bans in Dutch hotels, restaurants etc. is much the same. However, there is one sector - bars, pubs and the like – in which the smoking ban has encountered problems. In this sector a fourth of the establishments refuse to comply. A question addressed in this article is whether the legislator acted too precipitously with respect to this sector. This is obviously the case: there is less public support for smoking bans in such establishments and there had not been a preparatory period of selfregulation.

By the end of 2007, the world’s urban population had outnumbered the amount of people living in rural areas. Urbanization is expected to increase strongly in the developing world over the coming years, most of it through informal ways of accessing land and housing. In the initiatives of governments and donor organizations to deal with these developments, the concept of tenure security features increasingly prominently. It is inter alia expected to encourage investment in housing improvement, facilitate access to public services such as gas, water and electricity and also to make formal credit available. There is, however, no consensus as to what tenure security exactly means or how it is to be established. In the present paper, development policy based on establishing tenure security through land titling is critically examined and with the emphasis on urban informality in Latin America, an alternative concept of tenure security is proposed.

There is a natural alliance between the ambitions of prison chaplaincy and those of restorative justice in the sense that in both approaches (coping with) responsibility and guilt by offenders are important issues and mechanisms at the same time. Both share a relational concept of crime, consider the evil deed as occasion to start a dialogue to examine responsibility, stress the importance of process and bi-lateral partiality with both the victim and the offender. Coping with guilt and making it productive requires that communication with the offender reaches the deeper and more intimate levels of giving meaning to the criminal offence committed, self, others, past and future. For this communication the context should be open and fundamentally loving in a Christian sense, leading the way to a liberation from guilt once it is thoroughly known and accepted. At that point guilt can be transformed into a constructive moral impetus in human relations.

In this article we report on our research which aimed to investigate which fac-tors influence the outcome of pregnancy discrimination cases of the Dutch Equal Treatment Commission (CGB) and the compliance of respondents with this outcome. We studied equal treatment legislation and all 188 cases between the period of September 1994 and March 2008. The results show that equal treatment legislation hardly leaves any room for objections raised by the re-spondents. The arguments made by the employers are often based on financial or other business-related burdens, even though these arguments are legally irrelevant. We assume that the strictness of the legislation might cause the lack of willingness to comply with the outcome. This presumption is confirmed by the fact that the legal representatives of employers put forward these irrelevant arguments as well. Furthermore, the results show that the nature of the relation of the applicant with the respondent has an influence on the compliance of the respondent with the outcome. Respondents are more likely to comply in cases where the applicant is already working for the employer instead of applying for a job. The results also show that non-profit organizations are more likely to comply with the outcome than profit organizations.

This article demonstrates how Dutch politicians have in- and excluded people from the former overseas Dutch colonies in/from the Dutch legal and imagined community, against the backdrop of decolonization and increased migration to the Netherlands. Political discourses by members of the Dutch Government and Parliament in the wake of World War II demonstrate the contingent meaning of Dutch citizenship of people in and from the (former) Dutch colonies of Indone-sia, Suriname and the Dutch Antilles. These discourses not only illustrate that formal Dutch nationality as such can proof to be an uncertain status that can be lost. They also illuminate how politicians have redefined the meaning of Dutch citizenship of people from the colonies (who remained Dutch citizens) in con-nection with discourses on their identities. As a consequence, their rights of free migration and settlement in the Netherlands were problematized, both symbolically and via policies. However, Dutch political discourses and related policies are also characterized by instances of partial inclusion of legal aliens and stateless people from the former colonies who lost Dutch citizenship, often to compensate for political injustices in the past. Agency by postcolonial citi-zens played an important role in bringing about these changes. In sum, formal citizenship, statelessness and legal alienage turned out not to be stable predictors of positions in Dutch society: their meaning was and is constantly mediated by power relations.