Zoekresultaat: 46 artikelen

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Jaar 2009 x

    The introduction in the Netherlands of the SOV measure in 2001, followed by the ISD Order in 2004, opened the opportunity for the courts to incarcerate systematic offenders, mostly addicts, for a period of two years. During the period of imprisonment convicted are offered various programs to kick their habits and tackle their other problems. The article assesses the social costs and benefits of the SOV/ISD measure. The analysis takes account of the improvement in general health and productivity of the participants, and models the crime reduction effects through special prevention, incapacitation and general deterrence. Substituting results from the first effectiveness study of the SOV program, which by the way only covers one follow-up year, it is calculated that the SOV/ISD measure may yield a positive net result of as much as € 4 million per participant.


B.C.J. van Velthoven
Dr. Ben van Velthoven is universitair hoofddocent rechtseconomie aan de Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid te Leiden.

D.E.G. Moolenaar
Dr. Debora Moolenaar is senior onderzoeker bij het WODC.

    In the years 2000-2003 crime on Curaçao seemed to be going out of control and the economy was virtually stagnant with low growth and high unemployment. This situation has changed significantly since 2005. The author shows that a targeted approach by the authorities pushed back major crime problems like the smuggling of cocaine on passenger flights, armed robberies and homicides. However only a permanent effort can guarantee the continuation of this success. Corruption and nepotism are still vibrant, but mainly concern individuals, not institutions as a whole, while the judiciary actively prosecutes corrupt officials. In the long run not only repression, but preventive measures are needed as well. A major cause of corruption and nepotism is the small scale of island life, in combination with economic protectionism and state ownership of companies. Structural adjustments in economic institutions and policy in recent years heralded the return of economic growth and employment. More adjustments in economic policy and institutions could further reduce incentives for corruption; these might also lead to the opening up of Curaçao's rigid labour markets for the many unemployed youngsters. A more autonomous Curaçao faces serious challenges, but the island's record so far gives no reason for despondency.


A.W. Weenink
Dr. Anton Weenink is senior onderzoeker bij de Dienst Nationale Recherche van het Korps Landelijke Politiediensten (KLPD).
Artikel

Constitutioneel bewustzijn in Nederland:

Van burgerzin, burgerschap en de onzichtbare Grondwet

Tijdschrift Recht der Werkelijkheid, Aflevering 02 2009
Auteurs Barbara Oomen
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    Faced with increased individualization, debates on immigration and interna-tionalization, the Dutch government has recently appointed a Constitutional Review Commission to strengthen the Dutch constitution and enhance its social relevance. It is against this background that this article examines the place that the Dutch constitution currently holds in empirical and discursive understand-ings of citizenship in the Netherlands. From the vantage point of citizenship discourse, the interpretation of citizenship (burgerschap) in the Netherlands amongst policy-makers and the public at large hinges on civicness rather than on democratic citizenship, and departs from a strongly assimilationist perspec-tive: ‘burgerschap’ is essentially about participating in and adapting to the dominant culture. From the vantage point of the constitution, the current consti-tution’s main function is legal: constituting government powers and limiting their exercise. Legal scholars emphasize that the Dutch constitution hardly has a more symbolic or social role. These facts are contrasted with data from a representative survey under the Dutch adult population, which demonstrates how the Dutch hardly know anything about the contents of the constitution, but do have great confidence in the document, and consider it to be very important. Interestingly, respondents also emphasize the symbolic and societal function, in addition to the legal function of the constitution. This seems to point towards the possibility of an understanding of Dutch citizenship more firmly based upon the values embodied in the constitution.


Barbara Oomen
Barbara Oomenis docent rechten aan de Roosevelt Academy en is bij-zonder hoogleraar rechtspluralisme aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Haar belangstelling gaat uit naar rechtssociologische vraagstukken op het terrein van culturele diversiteit, constitutionalisme en de doorwerking van internationale mensenrechten. Zij is voorzitter van het Platform Mensenrechteneducatie, lid van de Commissie Mensenrechten van de Adviesraad Internationale Vraag-stukken en lid van de Staatscommissie Grondwet.

W.L.J.M. Duijst
Jurisprudentie

2009/27 Beroep op verschoningsrecht; weigering verstrekking medische gegevens; geen uitzonderlijke omstandigheden; melding aan AMK staat beroep op verschoningsrecht niet in de weg; art. 98 Sv: beroep verworpen

Hoge Raad (vice-president F.H. Koster, voorzitter, B.C. de Savornin Lohman, J.W. Ilsink, J. de Hullu en W.F. Groos, raadsheren, S.P. Bakker, griffier) d.d. 26 mei 2009 (m.nt. mr. S.F. Tiems).

Tijdschrift Tijdschrift voor Gezondheidsrecht, Aflevering 6 2009
Auteurs



N. Rozemond
Boekbespreking

Boekrecensie

Tijdschrift Justitiële verkenningen, Aflevering 7 2009
Auteurs N. Rozemond
Auteursinformatie

N. Rozemond
Dr. Klaas Rozemond is als universitair hoofddocent strafrecht verbonden aan de Vrije Universiteit te Amsterdam. Hij is auteur van Filosofie voor de zwijnen. Over het geluk van dier en mens (Veen Magazines, 2007) en van Het aardse leven. Een filosofische handleiding (Veen Magazines, 2009).

    Using the concept of chronocentrism, the doctrine that what is current must somehow be superior to what went on before, that ideas, scholars and scholarship inevitably become stale and discredited over time, the author argues the rise and attraction of nodal governance and nodal security fits the definition of chronocentrism. The recent ‘discovery’ of a multitude of (semi-)public agencies and private sector actors performing police functions neglect the fact that many of these agencies and actors have a long standing history (sometimes more than a century) and have been subject of many academic studies. Moreover, these studies are richer in their theoretical foundations because of the explanations they give for different functions, goals, interests, cultures and operational styles of public policing, administrative policing and private policing than much of the current language. In many ways nodal governance and nodal security are new labels for ongoing processes of gradual interweaving of different forms of policing. For this reason the use of these concepts is useful in two ways. First, for policy makers and practitioners. For them the new concepts seem to have a function as a motivational strategy. For instance, what was called increasing cooperation in the justice system (ketensamenwerking) and public-private cooperation in the eighties and nineties are revitalized using new labels. Second, nodal governance and nodal security, in the academic community ‘forces’ us to rethink the very notion of policing. Policing increasingly takes place in hybrid organizations and processes in which boundaries between public administration, public policing, regulatory agencies and private security are blurring.


A.B. Hoogenboom
Prof. dr. Bob Hoogenboom is hoogleraar Politiestudies en Veiligheidsvraagstukken aan de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam en hoogleraar Forensic Business Studies aan Nyenrode.
Artikel

Een gevaarlijke driehoeksverhouding?

Falende staten, georganiseerde misdaad en transnationaal terrorisme

Tijdschrift Justitiële verkenningen, Aflevering 3 2009
Auteurs Tanja E. Aalberts
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    In recent years it has become popular in political discourse and academic literature to talk about the blurring boundaries between transnational terrorism and organized crime. In addition, the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 have instigated a debate on the link between transnational terrorism and state failure. This article scrutinizes this so-called ‘black hole’ thesis and its relationship to the crime-terror nexus by addressing the political significance of such conceptual blurring within an international context that is increasingly characterized by uncertainty and uncontrollable risks.


Tanja E. Aalberts
Dr. Tanja E. Aalberts is universitair docent aan de Universiteit Leiden (taalberts@fsw.leidenuniv.nl).
Redactioneel

Voorwoord

Tijdschrift Justitiële verkenningen, Aflevering 3 2009
Auteurs H. G. van de Bunt, D. Siegel en M.P.C. Scheepmaker
Auteursinformatie

H. G. van de Bunt
Prof. dr. Henk van de Bunt is als hoogleraar criminologie verbonden aan de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam.

D. Siegel
Prof. dr. Dina Siegel is als hoogleraar criminologie verbonden aan de Universiteit Utrecht.

M.P.C. Scheepmaker
Drs. Marit Scheepmaker is hoofdredacteur van Justitiële verkenningen.

    Traditionally there was a lot of admiration in Russia for the social bandits in the sixteenth en seventeenth centuries. Later, under the Soviets, other brave political bandits, better known as revolutionaries, were praised. In addition, there were vory v zakone and the prisoners of Gulag. In this article the link between politics and crime in the Soviet and post-Soviet Russia is analyzed. In order to understand the emergence of old and new criminals it is necessary to follow the historical development of this interrelationship.


D. Siegel
Prof. dr. Dina Siegel is als hoogleraar criminologie verbonden aan het Willem Pompe Instituut voor Strafrechtswetenschappen van de Universiteit Utrecht. Deze bijdrage is deels gebaseerd op haar boek Russische bizniz (2005).
Artikel

De ‘politiek-criminele nexus’ in Italië

150 jaar betrekkingen tussen maffia en politiek

Tijdschrift Justitiële verkenningen, Aflevering 3 2009
Auteurs L. Paoli
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    This article analyzes the so-called political-criminal nexus in Italy, that is, the relationships of exchange and collusion between politicians and civil servants, on the one hand, and members of organised crime - and specifically Southern Italian mafia - groups on the other. Its main thesis is that the political-criminal nexus in Italy finds nowadays no parallel in any other Western, developed nation, with the possible exception of Japan. The extraordinary intensity of Italy's political-criminal nexus is related to the specificity of Italy's organised crime. This is discussed in the first section of the article. The following ones briefly sketch the evolution of the political-criminal nexus since Italy's Unification in 1861 and then focus on the last thirty years. The recognition of the recent law enforcement successes is complemented by a discussion of the factors that favour the perpetuation of mafia organisations and the political-criminal nexus in the future.


L. Paoli
Prof. dr. Letizia Paoli is als gewoon hoogleraar verbonden aan de Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid van de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.

    The writings of Cesare Lombroso reflect to a high degree the crime problems being discussed in his time. This is certainly true for the phenomenon of the Italian mafia. Inspired by others writers, press reports and his own observations he came to the conclusion that criminal associations belonging to the Sicilian mafia and the ‘Ndrangheta, in particular consisted of professional criminals and were quite often headed by an intelligent born criminal. In a quite detailed manner he described the ways in which these organizations were structured and the initiation rites that were applied to youngsters who wanted to join them. Lombroso made no secret of the political role the mafia groupings played in Italy, but he warned at the same time that one should take into account that these groupings also disguised themselves as political organizations in order to cover up their true nature: nothing else than criminal organisations. This warning gives room for the idea that - like in the United States - the Italian mafia could also take root in other European countries than Italy itself and not only use them as places to hide from the Italian police and judicial authorities or as market places to trade in illegal goods and services.


C.J.C.F. Fijnaut
Prof. dr. Cyrille Fijnaut is als hoogleraar verbonden aan de faculteit Rechtsgeleerdheid van de Universiteit van Tilburg.

    The upsurge in the use of economic sanctions in the post-Cold War era has prompted much scholarly and policy debate over their effectiveness and humanitarian consequences. Remarkably little attention, however, has been devoted to their criminalizing consequences and legacy for the post-sanctions period. In this article, the author develops an analytical framework identifying and categorizing the potential criminalizing effects of sanctions across place (within and around the targeted country) and time (during and after the sanctions period). This framework is applied and evaluated through an in-depth examination of the case of Yugoslavia. For comparative leverage and to assess the applicability of the argument beyond the Yugoslavia case, the analysis is briefly extended to Croatia. The article suggests that sanctions can unintentionally contribute to the criminalization of the state, economy, and civil society of both the targeted country and its immediate neighbors, fostering a symbiosis between political leaders, organized crime, and transnational smuggling networks. This symbiosis, in turn, can persist beyond the lifting of sanctions, contributing to corruption and crime and undermining the rule of law.


Peter Andreas
Prof. Peter Andreas is als assistent-hoogleraar Internationale Betrekkingen verbonden aan de Brown University, Rhode Island, Providence, USA.
Artikel

André Cools en Agusta

Een Belgische affaire

Tijdschrift Justitiële verkenningen, Aflevering 3 2009
Auteurs M. Cools
SamenvattingAuteursinformatie

    This article describes the relation between the murder on the Walloon social-democratic politician André Cools on 18th July 1991 at Liege and the corruption case Agusta - dealing with the purchase of army helicopters - in order to reflect on typical Belgian criminological issues in this political organized crime topic. The murder committed by Tunisian hit-men was ordered through the influence of the personal cabinet of Van der Biest, a former minister. During the murder investigation a link with the Agusta corruption case was discovered and would tear down several ministers as well as the former NATO Secretary-General Willy Claes. Due to the existence of especially journalistic sources and a lack of scientific criminological material, the conclusions of this article are strictly personal. The murder and the corruption prove the fact that political organized crime was a reality in Belgium. This case can stand as a scholarly example in the study of political organized crime in Belgium.


M. Cools
Dr. Marc Cools is hoofddocent aan de vakgroep Strafrecht en Criminologie van de Universiteit Gent en docent aan de vakgroep Criminologie van de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.
Redactioneel

Voorwoord

Tijdschrift Justitiële verkenningen, Aflevering 5 2009
Auteurs M.P.C. Scheepmaker

M.P.C. Scheepmaker
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