Honour-related physical or psychological violence, performed in reaction to perceived (threats of) loss of (family) honour, draws a lot of political and public attention in the Netherlands. A comprehensive policy-program was developed to reduce and prevent honour-related violence. However, the project knows two important restraints. In the first place, no reliable prevalence figures of honour-related violence are available. Furthermore, the program has been implemented without articulating and testing the presumed working mechanisms. In this article suggestions are made for evaluation of the program using the educational project ‘Black Tulip’ as an illustration. Black Tulip is used in secondary schools and aims at adolescent potential victims and perpetrators of honour-related violence. The main purpose is to achieve attitude and behaviour changes by means of visualizing experiences with honour-related violence in drama and film, and subsequent group discussions. Evaluation of Black Tulip and other parts of the program should take place by a combination of traditional evaluation research (e.g. with pre- and post-measurements of attitudes and behaviour in ‘Black Tulip-schools’ and in schools that do not receive the intervention), and a theory-driven evaluation which articulates the presumptions about the working mechanisms of the program and puts these to a test using the scientific literature.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) changed from a private problem to a public concern over the last decades. It has become subject of various discourses in different domains. In the social sciences the gender-based discriminatory nature of IPV is contested by some researchers who claim a gender equality in IPV. They call for a gender-neutral approach to IPV as a family problem, de-contextualized from gender-based inequalities. In the Netherlands this degendering is reflected in current policy discourse. However, in the international legal human rights domain, IPV is unequivocally considered to be an issue that affects women disproportionately as a form of women's discrimination that is the result of unequal power relations. Both international binding human rights law and recent ruling of the ECHR impose binding duties to acknowledge this. This article addresses the paradox that is reflected in these two positions and how to get beyond it.

Homicides that take place in the family generally lead to shock and incomprehension in society at large. Even though in recent years the number of homicides in the Netherlands has decreased, domestic homicides still claim approximately sixty victims per year. This article aims to describe the nature and incidence of domestic homicide in the Netherlands by making use of both epidemiological data as well as detailed analyses of case reports of domestic homicides. In doing so, several types of domestic homicides are distinguished: intimate partner homicide, child homicide, parent and sibling homicide, multiple family homicide and finally, domestic homicide followed by suicide. The findings are discussed and put into perspective.

The author, reflecting upon both Bouverne-De Bie & Roose and Walgrave, deplores to some degree the fact that the Journal for Restorative Justice, from its foundation, has narrowed its focus and scope by making it a priority to attempt to influence the criminal justice system. Most of the conflicts and troubles between citizens never reach the criminal agencies and are dealt with by other methods, such as methods of social work, without approaching the police. The potential scope for influencing conflict-behavior is therefore immensely greater outside the sphere of the criminal law.

In the Netherlands, police can request a physical examination of victims of domestic violence. These examinations can be either carried out by the physician who has treated the victim, or, alternatively, by a forensic physician. From a medico-legal point of view, an examination by a forensic physician has several advantages, as forensic physicians are independent and trained in examining victims of violence and reporting to the police. The aim of the current study was to (1) describe the structure of forensic services for victims of domestic violence in the Netherlands, (2) establish with whom the police request physical examinations of victims (forensic physician vs. physicians who have treated the victim), (3) explore the underlying reasons for the choice made and (4) elaborate how the current cooperation of police and forensic physicians can be improved in favour of victims of domestic violence. For this purpose, interviews were carried out with police professionals and forensic physicians throughout the country. The results demonstrated that victims can access forensic services almost exclusively on referral by the police. Furthermore, the police in most cases request physical examinations from physicians who have treated the victim and not from forensic physicians. Reasons for referring victims to treating physicians instead of forensic physicians are costs and lack of information on forensic services. Reports provided by treating physicians are criticized by the police for being illegible, incomprehensible, and lacking information on aspects which are of importance for the legal procedure. In short, the legal position of victims could be strengthened by requesting physical examinations from forensic physicians instead from treating physicians. A major obstacle to change is a lack of funding. Furthermore, forensic services for victims of domestic violence in the Netherlands could be improved if victims could access forensic services without referral of the police.

De wijziging van het Statuut die vormt geeft aan de nieuwe verhoudingen binnen het Koninkrijk en alle daarmee verband houdende wetgeving, is op 10 oktober 2010 in werking getreden. De nieuwe verhoudingen zijn gebaseerd op de referenda die op de eilanden zijn gehouden tussen 2000 en 2004 en de afspraken die sinds die tijd tussen de betrokken partijen zijn gemaakt. Met name de twee slotverklaringen van 2006 zijn voor de uitwerking in wetgeving een belangrijke leidraad geweest.

De Gedragscode Verwerking Persoonsgegevens Financiële Instellingen is onlangs gewijzigd. Deze wijzigingen betreffen met name de verwerking van persoonsgegevens betreffende de gezondheid en zijn derhalve bijzonder relevant in het kader van de verwerking van medische informatie in de personenschadepraktijk. De auteur gaat in deze bijdrage in op de belangrijkste wijzigingen met betrekking tot de verwerking van medische informatie. Deze wijzigingen roepen een aantal fundamentele vragen en onduidelijkheden op (die deels overigens ook al onder de oude versie van de Gedragscode bestonden). Dit betreft onder andere de vraag welke personen aan verzekeraarszijde de medische informatie van het letselschadeslachtoffer mogen inzien en wat de juridische grondslag daarvoor is.

Op 9 maart 2010 stelde de NMa haar Richtsnoeren voor de zorgsector vast. Dit is alweer de derde versie van deze richtsnoeren die de NMa publiceert. De NMa wil graag tegemoet komen aan de onzekerheden die in de zorgsector over toelaatbaarheid van bepaalde afspraken en andere praktijken bestaan. Een belangrijke kwestie in dit verband is welke rol publieke belangen spelen. In de onderhavige bijdrage staat daarom de vraag centraal of de NMa in de Richtsnoeren de verhouding tussen het mededingingsrecht en de publieke zorgbelangen heeft verduidelijkt.

In de Richtsnoeren Zorggroepen zetten de NMa en de NZa het beleid inzake (multidisciplinaire) samenwerking door zorgaanbieders op lokale zorgmarkten uiteen. Het mededingingsrecht wordt op te formele wijze toegepast. Enerzijds wordt de samenwerking tussen onafhankelijke zorgaanbieders te veel beperkt, terwijl anderzijds het ontstaan van marktmacht op lokale markten niet wordt voorkomen. De lokale aard van de markt en de aard van de zorgsector brengen enkele specifieke problemen met zich die onvoldoende lijken te zijn meegewogen. Een mogelijke oplossing is het creëren van een groepsvrijstelling voor ketenzorg onder het kartelverbod.

Aan de orde is het inzagerecht van de Nederlandse Zorgautoriteit (NZa) op grond van artikel 66 Wet marktordening gezondheidszorg. De NZa stelde een controleonderzoek in bij een ziekenhuis en verlangde daartoe inzage in medische persoonsgegevens. Het ziekenhuis weigerde deze patiëntgegevens te verstrekken met een beroep op het medisch beroepsgeheim. Het CBb oordeelt dat het verschoningsrecht van de medische beroepsgroep niet zonder meer van toepassing is. Een wettelijke grondslag is aanwezig voor een beperking van het recht van patiënten op eerbiediging van de persoonlijke levenssfeer ingevolge artikel 8, lid 2 EVRM en daarmee eveneens voor een inbreuk op het daarmee samenhangende medische beroepsgeheim.

In deze bijdrage vindt een verkenning plaats van de wenselijkheid, de praktijk en enige juridische aanknopingspunten van een duurzame(re) openbare ruimte. In dit verband wordt onder een ‘duurzame openbare ruimte’ verstaan: een openbare ruimte die in redelijke mate bestand is tegen extreme lokale klimaatinvloeden, met name wateroverlast en hittestress (droogte). Uit onderzoek van de VROM-Inspectie (2010) blijkt dat in bestemmingsplannen weinig over klimaatadaptatie is terug te vinden. De auteur constateert dat de gemeente kosten van verduurzaming van de openbare ruimte kan verhalen in het kader van de grondexploitatie. Daarnaast noemt hij een vijftal juridische aanknopingspunten om een gemeente aan te spreken op haar verantwoordelijkheid tot verduurzaming van de openbare ruimte.

In het Nederlandse debat over de rol van vertrouwen in toezicht en handhaving heerst verwarring over het begrip vertrouwen. Dit artikel kijkt kritisch naar de argumenten en schept meer duidelijkheid over het begrip en de voor toezicht belangrijke relatie tussen vertrouwen en controle. Vertrouwen is onvermijdelijk aan de orde in toezichtrelaties en kan dus het beste expliciet in toezichttheorie geconceptualiseerd worden. De conceptualisatie van vertrouwen in de responsieve toezichttheorie van Braithwaite e.a. is echter aan herziening toe. Aan de hand van recente inzichten uit de vertrouwensliteratuur worden uitgangspunten en contouren van een mogelijke vertrouwensbenadering in toezicht geschetst.

Various developments since 1960 have lead to a legalization of care, especially the call for individual rights, emancipation, international treaties, the transformation of private problems to public issues and the diminishing authority of professionals. This legalization has important social consequences. Effects are both direct and indirect, positive and negative. The ‘rights revolution’ has gone too far and leads to unrealistic expectations of what law can do. Therefore a down-to-earth and empirical informed perspective on the relation between law and care is of great importance.

The position of patients facing forced hospitalization in a mental health clinic develops both in a soft and in a hard direction. On the one hand there is a soft current of more empathy with legal protection and on the other hand a harder current that leads to a growing number of forced measures. This involves three dilemmas. First, legal intervention touches only upon the fringe and not upon the core of psychiatric treatment. Second, the problematic relation with the criminal justice sector and third, a lack of concern for what happens after the decision of the judge. Quality based peer review has not developed well in this sector. Forced hospitalization will remain sour for the near future.

The relation between law and care has changed dramatically. Until recently this relation could be characterised as distant, supportive and respectful. This relation has undergone a paradigm shift. More and more and in many areas the notion of care is used by the lawmaker, to impose duties of care combined with enforcement. This implies a change from private law to administrative law. This development is undesirable, because it raises false expectations and, in the end, works counterproductive.

The ‘Bureau Jeugdzorg’ is the gatekeeper in the field of youth care policy. From its start the Bureau has faced a difficult combination of empathy and social control. The individual youth was entitled to ‘a right on care’, which in practice was frustrated by long waiting lists. The mental health professionals also resisted the central role of the Bureau. So, soon after its inception Bureau Jeugdzorg is already in jeopardy. It is unlikely that the new political initiatives in this field will improve the legal protection of minors.

Care, self determination and law in child psychiatry is a difficult combination. Three problems arise here: Bureau Jeugdzorg does not have a good working relationship with the doctors, bad coordination between professionals, and finally an unwarranted trust in protection within the family. It is argued that a ‘duty of special care’ for professionals might help. This should prevail over the right of self determination. A second improvement might be a ‘criterion of necessity’ that may overrule a lack of cooperation by the minor.

Two types of legalization can be distinguished. In type 1 legal relations between parties are changed, without consequences for others. In legalization type 2 a change in legal positions does have consequences for third parties. The gradual change in the legal position of patients, managerial measures and the transition to ‘demand driven care’ have changed the relations between patients and doctors, nurses etc. But they had also profound external effects. They have influenced especially other interests than the quality of medical care, like equal treatment of patients and professional discretion. Decision making about the granting of rights should incorporate these external effects.